This study examines the conflicts between herders and farmers in the Asante Akyim Agogo traditional area in Ghana. Herder-farmer relations and interactions are not new in Ghana. These relations of the herders and farmers are presented as noticeable by conflict, complementarities and cooperation. However, there are widespread reports of the increase in violent conflicts between the farmers and herders in many parts of Ghana. The Fulani herdsmen have always been alleged to be violent in their interactions with the residents over the use of resources. The study examined the causes of the herder-farmer conflicts and the effects of the conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo. The study also examines the responses of the local and central government, and the strategies adopted to curb the conflict.
The study adopted a qualitative research approach which helped in gathering information on the conflicts between herders and farmers in Agogo in order to explain the findings of the study and making valid conclusions. Secondary data from books, journals, articles and the internet were used during the research. Given the complexity of the subject matter in this content analysis, and the number of philosophical questions that it raises, it took an interpretive approach. It was based on a critical review of existing literature from a variety of academic works. The underpinning theories for this study were the theory of Farmer-Herder Relations, Conflict theory and, Environmental Scarcity and Eco-Survivalism theories of Conflict.
These interpretations emphasized on the increase of crop destruction, cattle rustling, raping of women, killing of cattle and armed robbery as causes of farmer-herder conflict Asante Akyim Agogo. The implication was that, several people lost their lives and properties, poverty and social problems, destruction of farm products and reduction of output and income of farmers. The study concluded with the recommendation that farmers and herders or pastoralists must create good exchange arrangements with families to make use of crop residue or to trade goods. These lawful engagements can include the means for control over the pasture, regulation of access to routes, regulation of disputes over property rights, identification of herds, marriage disputes and other social problems.
Inhaltsverzeichnis
ABSTRACT
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
1.2 Statement of the Problem
1.3 Research Questions
1.4 Objectives of the Study
1.4.1 General Objective
1.4.2 Specific Objectives
1.5 Methodology
1.5.1 Research Design
1.5.2 Research Approach and Strategy
1.5.3 Study Population
1.5.4 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques
1.5.5 Data Collection and Research Instrument
1.5.6 Method of Data Analysis
1.5.7 Data Verification
1.5.8 Ethical Consideration
1.6 Theoretical Framework
1.6.1 Theory of Farmer-Herder Relations
1.6.2 Conflict Theory
1.6.3Environmental Scarcity and Eco-Survivalism Theories of Conflict
1.7 Literature Review
1.7.1 Factors that Continue to Attract the Fulani Herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo
1.7.2 The Cause of Conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo
1.7.3 The Effects of the Conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo
1.7.4 The Local and Central Government Responses to the Conflict
1.8 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
References
CHAPTER TWO
THE CAUSES OF HERDER-FARMER CONFLICT IN ASANTI AKYIM AGOGO
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Factors that Drives Fulani Herders to Ghana
2.3 Destruction of Crops and Farmland
2.4 Cattle Rustling
2.5 Killing of Cattle
2.6 Raping of Women
2.7 Robbery
2.8 Media Discourse and Farmer-Herder Conflicts
2.9 Institutional Failures
2.10 Escalation of Conflict between Farmers and Herders into Violence
2.11 Conclusion
References
CHAPTER THREE
THE EFFECTS AND RESPONSES OF THE CONFLICT IN ASANTE AKYIM AGOGO
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Destruction of Farm Products
3.3 Loss of Lives and Properties
3.4 Debt and loan repayment
3.5 Poverty and Social Problems
3.6 Proliferation of Arms and Escalation of Conflict
3.7 The Responses of the Local and Central Government to the Conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo
3.7.1 Adoptive strategies by the Local and Central Government to the Conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo
3.7.2 Co-existence and Cooperation in Asante Akyim Agogo
3.7.3 Farmers and Fulani Herders’ Cooperation through the use of Resources
3.7.4 Mechanism for Resolving the Farmer-Herder Conflicts by the Local and Central Government
3.8 Conclusion
References
CHAPTER FOUR
LESSONS THAT CAN BE LEARNT FROM INDIA PASTORALISM
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Pastoralism in India
4.3 Pasture Development in India
4.4 Property Rights in India
4.5 Institutions that Represent the Interests of Pastoralist Groups in India
4.5.1 Government Institutions
4.5.2 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in India
4.6 Conclusion
References
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Summary of Findings
5.3 Conclusions
5.4 Recommendations
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is a great pleasure for me to thank the people who in various ways made valuable contributions to my studies and to the process of writing this dissertation. I give my heartfelt gratitude and appreciation to my brothers and sisters, especially Diana, Cassius, Henrietta, Charlotte, Jude, Emmanuel, Augustine, Joshua, who have displayed a fervent wish to see me attain higher levels of success and continues to make sacrifices in this direction. I say a big thank you.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
ABSTRACT
This study examines the conflicts between herders and farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo traditional area. Herder-farmer relations and interactions are not new in Ghana. These relations of the herders and farmers are presented as noticeable by conflict, complementarities and cooperation. However, there are widespread reports of the increase in violent conflicts between the farmers and herders in many parts of Ghana. The Fulani herdsmen have always been alleged to be violent in their interactions with the residents over the use of resources. The study examined the causes of the herder-farmer conflicts and the effects of the conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo. The study also examines the responses of the local and central government, and the strategies adopted to curb the conflict. The study adopted a qualitative research approach which helped in gathering information on the conflicts between herders and farmers in Agogo in order to explain the findings of the study and making valid conclusions. Secondary data from books, journals, articles and the internet were used during the research. Given the complexity of the subject matter in this content analysis, and the number of philosophical questions that it raises, it took an interpretive approach. It was based on a critical review of existing literature from a variety of academic works. The underpinning theories for this study were the theory of Farmer-Herder Relations, Conflict theory and, Environmental Scarcity and Eco-Survivalism theories of Conflict. These interpretations emphasized on the increase of crop destruction, cattle rustling, raping of women, killing of cattle and armed robbery as causes of farmer-herder conflict Asante Akyim Agogo. The implication was that, several people lost their lives and properties, poverty and social problems, destruction of farm products and reduction of output and income of farmers. The study concluded with the recommendation that farmers and herders or pastoralists must create good exchange arrangements with families to make use of crop residue or to trade goods. These lawful engagements can include the means for control over the pasture, regulation of access to routes, regulation of disputes over property rights, identification of herds, marriage disputes and other social problems. Also, the state must have institutions that will implement various development programmes as practiced in India for the herders and farmers to help improve the agricultural sector and also address the grievances of the herders and farmers in Ghana especially in Asante Akyim Agogo.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study
The rise in natural resource conflicts is as a result of human population increase and the globalisation of the economy (Blench,2004:1). Limited access to adequate and secure land is a major problem for smallholders' sustainable production in Africa. Smallholders' restricted access to land has been heightened by the commoditisation, commercialisation, competition and high demand for land by other stakeholders (Flintan, 2012). A large migration of individuals looking for land to farm and settle is a factor underlying land disputes in Africa (Yelsang, 2013). From these situations, land conflicts are basically linked to the increased scarcity of land caused by higher land values and demographic pressures. Relations between indigenes and pastoralists are regularly tense, with few common social and cultural value interactions (Cotula et al., 2004). In West Africa, both pastoralists and smallholders suffer land tenure insecurity in times of agricultural expansion and diversification, conflicts and land grabbing (Flintan, 2012; Campion and Acheampong, 2014).
In Ghana, transnational land transactions have triggered conflicts among farmers and Fulani herders or pastoralists, leading to potential loss of arable land by smallholders (Tsikata, 2011 and Yaro, 2013). Notwithstanding the advantage of customary land institutions to regulate to changing conditions, they have failed to deal absolutely with land tenure insecurity in Africa and to reconcile the multiplicity of overlapping rights and interests especially between crop producers and pastoralists. It is believed that the nature of the prevailing customary land tenure system in Ghana has aggravated land tenure insecurity experienced all over the country (Tsikata and Seini, 2004:4). This complementarity between farmers and Fulani herders has broken due to the increase in population in Africa and the continuous allocation of land and labour between crop producers and cattle herders (Cotula et al., 2004). This broken relationship has tended to increase resource conflicts among herders and crop farmers.
In the Ghanaian society, the pastoralists (Fulani) are regularly victims of ethnically-based stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:1). They are treated as non-citizens or foreigners. The pastoralists (Fulani) are mainly nomadic and semi-sedentary pastoralists whose occupation is herding cattle. They cannot most often claim ownership of the natural resources and land they use as herders. Several pastoralists (Fulani) groups inhabit the savannah-Sahel region of West Africa, especially in Guinea, Nigeria, Senegal, Niger, Chad, Mauretania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire and Benin (Turner et al. 2011; Oppong 2002). The pastoralists (Fulani) are not one of the recognized ethnic groups in Ghana, despite contact with the Ghanaian populace for over a century (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:2). With the exception of a few censuses that purposely included and counted herders or pastoralists (Fulani) as part of the population of Ghana, their numbers are not known and they are not registered in the national census (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:2). Pastoralists per the 1992 Republic of Ghana even if born in Ghana but having no parent or grandparent born in Ghana before 1957, are explicitly excluded from Ghanaian citizenship except through marriage or naturalization after long stays (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:2). There have been state policies of Fulani pastoralists’ expulsion from Ghana termed ‘Operation Cow Leg’ which has been carried out several times. Besides, local community policies of pastoralists’ evictions, their restricted access to land leases and their conflicts with local farmers have prompted community evictions and attacks as well as state or government interventions. These infringements and the production of stereotypes and prejudices they entailed have affected the relationship between local communities and Fulani pastoralists (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:2). The study is built around the Agogo Fulani conflicts in the Asante Akyim North District in Ghana. The Agogo traditional area is one of the largest settlements in the Asante Akyim North District of the Ashanti Region of Ghana. The Agogo traditional area has a human population of about 34,500 with majority of its labour force into farming (Opoku, 2014:1). Conversely, farming in this area has become unattractive due to the conflicts between the Fulani herdsmen and farmers in the area. Conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and farmers have been in existence since the 1990s and the management of it has been very problematic. It is against this background that this study examines the resolving of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana: a case of the Agogo traditional area and lessons that can be learnt from pastoralism in India.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
A Kumasi High Court In 2012 ruled and ordered the Regional Security Council (REGSEC) to drive out all Fulani herdsmen and their cattle from the Agogo area with immediate effect (Rebulic of Ghana, 2012a:19). Nonetheless, regardless of the ruling and the series of protests by the local people demanding the evacuation of the Fulani herdsmen and their cattle, the herdsmen and their cattle are still on the farmlands of Agogo. Thus, the population of cattle on Agogo lands keep increasing (Ghanaweb, 2016; Olaniyan et al., 2015:60). In 2012 for example, Regional Security Council (REGSEC) report, the population of cattle in Agogo was estimated to be ten thousand (10,000) (Republic of Ghana, 2012b). Conversely, as at January 2017, the cattle population was at about thirty-one thousand (31,000) per the statistics available to the veterinary doctor for Agogo (Agyemang, 2017:5). This raises some questions about the factors that continue to attract the Fulani herdsmen to Asante Akyim Agogo. However, despite of diversity of studies on herder-farmer conflicts in Asanti Akyim Agogo, little has been done to study the factors that continue to attract the Fulani herdsmen to Asante Akyim Agogo. This study discusses the factors that continue to attract the Fulani herdsmen to Asante Akyim Agogo and suggest ways of preventing herder-farmer related conflicts which may serve as a preventive mechanism for resolving the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana.
There have been a number of conflicts in recent years between farmers and Fulani herdsmen or pastoralists throughout Ghana which have resulted in violent conflicts in losing of lives and properties. This came to a serious contact in the Asante Akyem North District in Agogo, Ashanti Region, when farmers claimed that herders have been destroying their farms with their cattle, raped women in the area and have attacked and killed farmers in the area resulting in the killing of twenty farmers since 2000-2010 (REGSEC report, 2012:6). However, despite of diversity of studies on herder-farmer conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo, little has been done to study the causes of the conflicts between farmers and herders Asante Akyim Agogo. This study therefore seeks to examine the causes of the conflicts between farmers and herders by carrying out a case study in the Asante Akyim Agogo area and suggest ways of preventing herder-farmer related conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo.
The conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and farmers in Ghana have been a major problem not only for the societies, but also for the government at the national level. The Asante Akyim Agogo conflict between Fulani herdsmen and farmers spans more than two decades, following the leasing of farmlands to some cattle owners by the chiefs of Asante Akyim Agogo. Cattle rearing existed in Asante Akyim Agogo long time, of which some of the migrants and the indigenes were cattle owners(Agyemang, 2017:5). Therefore, herdsmen were engaged in the practice of tendering of cattle belonging to the indigenes of Asante Akyim Agogo. However, with the appearance of the Fulani herdsmen and their cattle in Asante Akyim Agogo, and the subsequent leasing of land to them in 1997, tension started developing, leading to the conflict. Consequently, the relationships between the Fulani herdsmen and the local people have been very hostile. Hence, armed conflict and social unrest have characterised the interactions between the Fulani nomads and the farmers since 1997 (Agyemang, 2017:5). However, despite of diversity of studies on herder-farmer conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo, little has been done to study the effects of the conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo. This study discusses the effects of the conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo and suggests ways of preventing the conflicts between herders and farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo.
The conflict has been on-going for years, becoming intractable and protracted, with rampant reprisal attacks. This raises concerns about the local community and national level mitigation and preventive responses to the conflict and to what extent are these responses effective regarding the conflict in the Asante Akyim Agogo. Despite of diversity of studies on herder-farmer conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo, little has been done to study the responses of the local and central government to the conflict. This study discusses the responses of the local and central government to the conflict and proposes ways of preventing the conflicts between herders and farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo.
India is home to a large number of nomadic or pastoral groups with one of the largest livestock populations in the world which contributes about 25 percent of their agricultural Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Livestock provides local people in isolated areas in India with milk, meat and wool. Pastoralism is a subsistence pattern in which people make their living by domesticating large herds of animals (Bhasin, 2011:1). This study discusses pastoralism in India and proposes some lessons that can be learnt by Ghana from Indian pastoralism.
1.3 Research Questions
The research will seek to answer the following questions:
- What factors continue to attract the Fulani herdsmen to Asante Akyim Agogo?
- What are the causes of the Herder-Farmer conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo?
- What are the effects of the conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo?
- What are the local and central government responses to the conflict?
- What lessons can be learnt from Indian pastoralism?
- What proposals can be made to help resolve the farmer-herder conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
1.4.1 General Objective
The objective of the study is to discuss the resolving of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo.
1.4.2 Specific Objectives
The specific objectives of the study are to;
- investigate the factors that continue to attract the Fulani herdsmen to Asante Akyim Agogo.
- examine the cause of conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo.
- examine the effects of the conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo.
- examine the local and central government responses to the conflict.
- examine the lessons that can be learnt from Indian pastoralism.
- make proposals to help in resolving the farmer-herder conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo.
1.5 Methodology
The methodology for the study would guide the conduct of the research by providing explicit rules and procedures upon which the study is conducted. It constitutes the research design, the research approach, the research strategy, the sampling design, the sampling technique, the method of data collection and research instrument, the data analysis procedure and ethical considerations.
1.5.1 Research Design
A research design is the overall plan for relating the theoretical research problem to applicable and attainable realistic research. The research design offered a plan or framework for data gathering and its enquiry of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo. The research adopted both exploratory and explanatory research approach. The exploratory approach was suitable to the answering of the questions relating to the cause of conflict between the herdsmen and the croppers in Asante Akyim Agogo. The explanatory research approach helped to assess the effect of conflict between the herdsmen and the croppers in Asante Akyim Agogo. The main objective of the exploratory research approach was to help provide knowledge concerning the Agogo conflict. The merit of the exploratory research approach to the study includes the use of secondary source of data such as published data, structured interview and case study. The demerit of the exploratory approach was, the majority of data supplied qualitative information and interpretation of the findings was judgmental. The merit of the explanatory research approach included the understanding and connections of ideas such as the implications of the conflicts and the measures put in place by the Government in avoiding such conflicts in Ghana. The overall reason why this approach is suitable was that, it assisted in exploring and explaining the causes and management of herder-Farmer Conflicts in Ghana.
1.5.2 Research Approach and Strategy
This study adopted the qualitative research approach. A qualitative approach was adopted to enable a comprehensive understanding of the issue under the fulani herdsmen and farmers in the Agogo traditional area of the Ashanti region of Ghana. Since the study is exploratory in nature and seeks to determine the cause of the farmer-herder conflicts, the adoption of this qualitative approach helped to collect detailed and rich data based on the views and experiences of the targeted population. In addition, case study approach was also adopted for this study to help study the phenomenon as it plays out in its natural setting. In other words, the Agogo traditional area of the Ashanti region of Ghana plays a major role in the farmer-herder conflicts. The same principle applies to the constituencies adopted. In essence, the adoption of the case study approach enabled a holistic examination of the phenomenon and made available rich knowledge on the phenomenon under study (Saunders et al., 2007:1). The relevance of the qualitative research approach was that, the directions and framework of the research can be reviewed as soon as new data and findings emerged. The merits of the qualitative approach was that, data in qualitative research in relation to the farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana depends on human experience and was more convincing and influential than data gathered through quantitative research. The demerit of the qualitative research approach was that, it was very difficult to understand real situation relating to the causes of the farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana.
1.5.3 Study Population
The target population for this study was the Agogo traditional area in the Ashanti region of Ghana working in the area to facilitate and develop mechanisms for conflict prevention, management, resolution and to build sustainable peace in the country. Data were also collected from crop farmers, herdsmen, traditional authorities, District Coordinating Directors, District Directors of Agriculture, Assembly persons, Police, cattle owners, and other opinion leaders. The relevance of the study population to the study of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana: a case of the Asante Akyim Agogo, they were typical cases and most of the vital information or data pertains were in this area. The advantage of the selected area was that, it helped in determining the attitude and behavior of the crop farmers and herders in Ghana. The demerit of the selected areas was that, collecting data from this area took a great deal of time and much effort which made it difficult in gathering data for the study.
1.5.4 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques
The sampling frame consisted of all staff whose functions relate to the farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana. In all, staffs of political parties, security services, district coordinating offices, and district agriculture offices would be selected. Though the study covers the country, emphasis would be laid on the Asante Akyim Agogo traditional area in the Ashanti region of Ghana. Out of the fifteen (15) areas noted for farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana, five (5) would be selected. Purposive non-probability sampling technique would be used for the selection of all sample sizes of the study because it seeks to get all possible cases that fit particular criteria. Purposive sampling is appropriate in this situation because it enable the selection of unique cases that allow in-depth investigations into the entire cases of farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana. The study used purposive sampling technique in the selection of respondents because the study required knowledge of professionals, expects and practitioners in farmer-herder conflicts and management in Ghana. The purposive sampling helped to obtain a representative sampling by using comprehensive judgment on farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana which resulted in saving time and money. The demerit of the purposive sampling was that, there were low levels of reliability in the gathering of data on farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana. However, fifty (50) participants each were randomly selected from the five selected areas which were Agogo township, Kowereso, Nyemso, Nyamebekyere, and Abrewapong villages.
1.5.5 Data Collection and Research Instrument
The method for collecting data was interviews using a designed interview guide. This method gives respondents the opportunity to express both objective and subjective views which gave the researcher rich and detailed information about the farmer-herder conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo. Furthermore, because the targeted group may not necessarily be literate, the interviews allowed respondents to verbally contribute their views to the subject of conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana without limitations. The interview guide will contain items based on the objectives and the research questions of the study of herders and crop farmers’ conflicts in Asante Akyim Agogo. Other sources of information were obtained from the assembling of reports, website, textbooks, journals and other important documents. This work was a qualitative research and as such secondary sources of data was utilized for analysis. Completed Research works was studied for inferences. A study in strategies for resolving farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana was done by examining the measures put in place by the government of Ghana in avoiding conflicts and lessons that can be learnt from Indian pastoralism. This aided in the arrival of appropriate conclusions and recommendations for the study. The advantages of the exploratory research approach to the study was that, it helped in understanding important roles of the government in maintaining peace and stability in the country which helped to explored conflict prevent resolutions mechanism for the study.
1.5.6 Method of Data Analysis
This study analyzed the contents of the qualitative data and a thorough content analysis of documentary sources of farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana. All sections of the transliterated text were coded from interviews and compiled themes to ensure areas and objectivity in working with text section across the interviews. In the course of analysis, the views of separate response were reconstructed into meaningful form by the process of data collections in combining similar themes and induction, finding new significant ideas evolving from the gathered data, with emphasis on the ideas shared by the respondents. The purpose of qualitative research was to understand and gain insight in farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana and was relevant in a situation where the causes of farmer-herder conflicts were modest in Ghana. Analysis for the study was based on the data gathered from respondents and official documentation. A comprehensive comparative analysis of the structural cause of conflict was essential since some current writings on farmer-herder conflicts question the significant of the root cause analyses of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana. Data from various sources were gathered, reviewed, and analyzed to assist in the findings.
1.5.7 Data Verification
Data verification was performed to ensure that the different types of data that were collected were checked for accuracy and consistencies. It helped in the study by determining whether information were accurately translated when data was transferred from one source to the other, completed, and supported the study of resolving the conflict between herders and farmer in Ghana. To ensure uniformity of measurement, the study used a check-list of questions for the interview which were wholly closed ended questions. To ensure the verification of data, the same questions were asked in different ways to the same person and cross checked the data with different sources. In order that no assumptions were made, the researcher used tape recorders and note pads with which interviewee’s response were recorded in the qualitative interviews. The recorded tapes were transliterated into important data in the writing of this work. The information from note pads also served as important source in the writing of this study.
1.5.8 Ethical Consideration
In research, interviewees do not owe researchers any information and their participation in any research must solely be based on their own will and not forced into it. For this reason, it was important that those who decided to co-operate in the research did not suffer any ill-effects for it. The researcher conveyed in writing the purpose of the study to the interviewees. The interview guide specifically included: soliciting participants’ consent to participate, the procedures of data gathering and the voluntary nature of research participation. During the interviewing session, respondents were assured of protection of their confidentiality. In the final work, where statements through quotations were made, names of interviewees were only associated based on their consent. The study is however presented in such a way that it did not falsify any evidence.
1.6 Theoretical Framework
This section reviews theories that explain issues related to farmer-herder conflicts which were important to the study. The theoretical framework played an important role in guiding the entire process of the study of the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana. The underpinning theories of the study are the Theory of Farmer-Herder Relations, the Conflict Theory, and the Environmental scarcity and eco-survivalism theories of conflict.
1.6.1 Theory of Farmer-Herder Relations
Social relations are embedded in a dynamic process and acted upon by specific context (Somerville, 2000). There is a sense in which human interaction and organisation represent a specific level of evolution where individual organisms adopt patterns of behaviour which best fit the environments in which they operate (Somerville, 2000:1). Social relations can best be studied from an evolutionary approach informed by Rational Choice Theory and also the Theory of Human Capital (Somerville, 2000:1). This approach argues that each individual acts or tends to act to maximise his or her utility, and this is primarily what determines their orientation to their environment (Bukari, 2017:40). According to Somerville (2000), cooperation amongst human beings is achieved mainly through the social construction of group advantage, and the understanding of how such construction lies at the root of explaining social relations generally. Although Rational Choice Theory has been criticised among other things for not being able to explain how uneven power relations exist in society and also for reducing human interaction to just economic exchanges (Zey, 1998), it nonetheless helps our understanding of social relations. Rational Choice Theory assumes that humans are capable of self-determinism and act on their own interest to maximise costs and benefits (Somerville, 2000). For example, cooperation can be achieved through human negotiation and reasoning. In applying the Rational Choice Theory to social relations, individuals or groups in a community will engage in cooperation or conflicts with others based on the rational appraisal of the costs of cooperation or non-cooperation (Bukari, 2017:40). Somerville (2000) noted that Rational Choice Theory sees cooperation as being guided by reciprocity. Thus, the argument is that people’s cooperation with others is based on what they stand to benefit in reciprocal terms. Fulani herdsmen, for example, cooperate and build a sort of social networks with community leaders in order to obtain contact to community resources, and also to be protected from community agitations or attacks. This may involve the offer of gifts to chiefs in reciprocal terms for favours. In general, the rational choice approach to social relations argues that individuals and groups build social relations, whether through cooperation, conflict or social networks, based on their rational appraisal of the situation in order to gain benefits (Bukari, 2017:40).
The Theory of Human Capital is the other approach to understanding social relations, which is suitably illustrated in the works of several social scientists, including Pierre Bourdieu (1986) and James Coleman (1988). The work of Bourdieu, The forms of capital, is mainly relevant for this study. Bourdieu (1986) argues that social functioning of society cannot be explained by economics alone and, thus, makes a clear difference among three forms of capital which are all necessary for the society’s functioning. These are: economic capital which depicted in the form of money and property rights, cultural capital which institutionalised as educational qualifications or cultural knowledge and social capital which is seen in social obligations and connections (Bourdieu,1986:243). Our social world, as both Bourdieu (1986) and Coleman (1988) claimed, cannot be understood by prioritizing money or profit maximisation over other capital existing in immaterial forms. Coleman (1988), especially criticised economic capital stating that it flies in the face of empirical reality, persons’ actions are shaped, redirected, constrained by the social context; norms, interpersonal trust, social networks, and social organization are important in the functioning not only of the society but also of the economy (Coleman,1988:96).
Social capital remains by far the most relevant for conceptualising social relations and understanding the functioning of society (Bukari, 2017:40). Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) describe social capital as the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalised relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition (Bourdieu and Wacquant,1992:119). To both Bourdieu and Wacquant and Coleman, social networks, a person’s connections, interpersonal relations and exchanges with others, not his only kinship ties, are relevant for his or her maximisation of capital or resources. Correspondingly, Bourdieu (1986) argues that a person’s capital is a process that includes the product of investment strategies, individual or collective, consciously or unconsciously aimed at establishing or reproducing social relationships that are usable in the short or long term (Bourdieu,1986:249). Thus, one’s capital is maintained through the range of ties built over time and through institutionalised relationships. Pastoralists gain access to community resources, for example, as a result of exchanges and ties with community leaders built over time (Bukari, 2017:42).
1.6.2 Conflict Theory
The objective of this theory is to understand the root causes of herder-farmer conflicts, their effects on livelihoods and rural development, and also suggest ways to manage them for efficient sustainable development. Various researchers have adopted different approach to the study of herder-farmer conflicts. This research draws from the processual and structural approaches identified by Moritz, (2010). Structuralist (2000) is of the view that since farmers and herders make their livelihood within the same geographical, political, and socio-cultural conditions, causes of conflicts are factors shared by all members of the community. But Processualists such as (Moritz, 2010; Hagberg, 2005; Harshbarger, 1995; and Bassett, 1988) on the other hand state that conflict situation under the same conditions may result in a wide variety of outcomes. While structural factors give rise to many herder-farmer conflicts, Moritz (2010) maintain that it is not the case that all disagreements occurring under the same structural conditions escalate into large-scale, violent clashes that engage the whole communities. Moritz is of the opinion that if patterns of herder-farmer conflict can only be explained by structural factors, the levels of engagement, violence and outcomes should be the same.
Moritz (2010) continues that the processual approach, focusing on conflict dynamics rather than structural context, leads to the identification of new variables. These variables may explain why some herder-farmer conflicts escalate and others do not. This scholar argues that processual analysis involves a holistic approach to an event. Thus: interpretation of events, actions, and actors within their local context; considering socio-cultural, historical, ecological, economic, political or institutional factors. Their view is that it is not sufficient to know just why conflict begins, but also why and how, as some conflicts unfold they escalate with religious, ethnic, and political dimensions. The point of departure of the processual analysis from the structural perspective is that it starts with the advent of the conflict and then examines how it articulates with the socio-cultural, political, historical, ecological, demographic, economic, and institutional factors.
Also, Thomas Homer-Dixon (1999), arguing for the structural school have emphasized the role of resource scarcity and its accompanying competition for those scarce resources as the primary reason for more frequent violence. Nonetheless, Basset (1988) had earlier challenged this assertion as he claimed that herder-farmer conflicts were equally intense in Cote d’Ivoire and Cameroon, where grazing areas were relatively abundant. Hagberg (1998) also argues that the age of the herder and farmer is the immediate reason for conflict escalation. The structural variables may be necessary conditions for the escalation of herder-farmer conflicts, but not sufficient condition for the escalation itself.
Additionally, Kriesberg (2007) asserts that intensification of conflict is usually an unintended consequence. Kriesberg claims that conflict may escalate inadvertently, step wisely or without the actors having carefully considered the implications of their actions. Besides, not all conflict escalation events are alike. Rather, there are different patterns in how conflicts transform into widespread violent engagements. Mitchell (1981) indicates that the transformation is determined by the people involve, the actions they take, and the goals they pursue during the conflict. Pruitt and Kim (2004) have identified five general transformations that occur during conflict escalation. They are: shift from small to large (that is, increasing investment in the conflict); shift from light to heavy tactics (example from persuasion to violence); shift from specific to general (example from crop damage to ethnic conflict); shift from few to many (thus, increase in the number of people involved in the conflict) and; shift in goals from doing well to hurting the other party (example from finding solution to the problem to killing all opponents).
Consequently, Moritz (2010) outlined four processual variables which he claimed could explain conflict escalation better. These are: crowd formation, direct confrontations, initial casualties, and the role of intermediaries (Moritz, 2010). Within this contest, different tactics are employed by the conflicting parties. The processual approach therefore explains the variability in outcomes across the many conflicts that may occur within the same context.
In spite of this, the structuralists believe that the main theoretical approach in the study of herder-farmer conflicts in Ghana is structural. This encompasses environmental security and political ecology. For example, (Braukamper, 2000; and Homer-Dixon, 1999) emphasized the role of resource scarcity and increasing competition for these scarce resources as the primary cause of conflicts. Although, they admit that these are not the only reasons for more frequently violent conflicts over natural resources. Other structural reasons include the demise of the symbiotic relations between herders and farmers across West Africa (Barrot, 1992 and Tonah 2000, 2006), institutional failure to resolve conflicts (Beeler 2006), the larger political context (Beeler 2006; and Tonah 2000), historical context (Pelican 2006), or cultural differences between herders and farmers (Adebayo 1997). But the fact remains that multiple, varied as well as complex factors account for farmer-Fulani herder conflicts in West Africa (Adano et al, 2012).
Even though, not all the disagreements occurring under the same structural conditions escalate into large-scale violent clashes that engage whole communities, the herders and farmers in Asanti Akyim Agogo make their livelihood within the same geographical, political, and socio-cultural conditions which is characterized by competition over resources. Tonah (2002) for instance opines that damages to crops are the frequent reasons mentioned by farmers as a cause of conflicts between them and the Fulani pastoralists in Africa.
However, the structuralists are of the opinion that regardless of the variability in the scale and contexts of conflicts that make up their data, they can still distinguish universal patterns in how conflicts unfold. They describe conflict explicitly as a sequence of interactions and it is this sequence, rather than background conditions that they study. Mitchell (1981), for example, distinguishes between four developmental stages of conflict. They are: no conflict (where no incompatible goals exist); incipient conflict (existence of incompatible goals); latent conflict (parties’ recognition of goal incompatibility) and; manifest conflict (parties engage in conflict behavior to achieve goals). In sum, the structural scholars believe their approaches have offered fruitful explanations of why herder-farmer conflicts occur in Africa.
Therefore, a general theory of herder-farmer conflicts must include both structural and processual variables. Structural variables are necessary to explain the causes of conflicts, while processual variables can explain the consequences of conflicts. Noorduyn (2005) believes that herder-farmer conflicts are complex and as such both structure and process approaches are required to explain the causes and consequences of these conflicts. Therefore, this study employs the structural approach in unraveling why farmers and Fulani herdsmen in Asanti Akyim Agogo engage in violent conflicts and their implications to the socio-economic development.
1.6.3 Environmental Scarcity and Eco-Survivalism Theories of Conflict
The study of environment, scarcity and violence, Homer-Dixon (1999) asserts that large populations in many developing countries are highly dependent on four key environmental resources that are fundamental to their livelihood: fresh water, cropland, forests and fish. Scarcity or shrinking of these resources as a result of misuse, over-use or degradation, population growth, climate change and resource access lead to competition over the scarce ecological resources among groups, and may under certain circumstances trigger off conflicts (Homer-Dixon,1999:133). In this perspective, resource scarcity is the product of an insufficient supply, too much demand or an unequal distribution of a resource due to political, economic, social and environmental factors. This forces some groups of a society into conditions of deprivation, competition and violence over the limited resources. In effect, resource scarcity raises the competitive stakes and premium that the various societal groups place on available resources, which may engender violent conflicts among groups. Homer-Dixon (1999) stressed that,resource scarcity forces groups in a society into resource capture or competition, which in turn causes ecological marginalisation and violent conflicts among groups(Homer-Dixon,1999:73). From this theory, the conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo has been driven by the scarcity of land, and competition between the farmers and the Fulani herdsmen to ensure their viability in the area. The scarcity of land is due to the degradation and shrinking ecological space, human and cattle population explosion, and resource depletion. Hence, the herdsmen need the land for grazing and rearing of cattle, while the farmers need the land for cultivation.
Tonah (2000) explained resource scarcity in his study of Fulbe pastoralists and Kassena farmers conflict in Ghana. According to Tonah, the ultimate causes of the conflict and the deterioration of relations between the two groups lie in the general degradation of resources and the increased competition for access and resources capture (Tonah, 2000:556). Hendrickson (1997) also noted that, resource-related conflicts in Africa are driven by the scarcity of natural resources (Hendrickson 1997:8). Blench (1996) claimed that in semi-arid sub-Saharan Africa, areas where resources are short and populations live on the edge, minor deficits in rainfall, land use or pasture generate major conflict (Blench,1996:1). This coincides with the study of resource conflict by Bennett, which states that environmental degradation is playing an increasingly important role in conflict in the Sahel, a region where natural resources are diminishing, competition over their use is increasingly tense, and violent conflict are becoming more frequent (Bennett, 1991:1). Turner (2004) recognised that, people in the agro pastoral regions of the West African Sahel, describe farmer-herder conflicts as a struggle over resources and a major source of social conflict and environmental degradation in the region (Turner, 2004:869). This scholarly debate shows that, scarcity of resource plays and underpins farmer-herder conflicts in Africa especially Ghana.
The theory of eco-survivalism is another theoretical that explains the farmer-herder conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo (Okoli & Atelhe, 2014). The root of this theory is that, the desperate quest of groups to protect and advance their livelihood in a competitive and resource-scarce ecological sphere is likely to precipitate violent conflict (Okoli & Atelhe, 2014). This theory draws the relationship between resource scarcity and survival. Further, the theory holds that, the militant posture of the herdsmen and the farmers must be understood in relation to survival (Okoli & Atelhe, 2014). The cultivation and harvesting of crops is what a farmer depends on. Therefore, any damage caused to the crops threatening the livelihood of the farmer. Pastoralism is also a way of living for the herdsmen. Any threat in this regard to his herd amounts to a threat to his survival or livelihood. From this theory, the aggression among the Fulani herdsmen and farmers in Asanti Akyim Agogo is motivated by the struggle for survival in a territory that is competitive, and hostile to each other’s collective means of sustenance.
However, Homer-Dixon argued that, environmental scarcity is not the only cause of conflict between two groups; it involves with political, economic, and other factors to generate severe social effects that in turn aid produce violence (Homer-Dixon, 1999:80). Tonah (2006) alleged that farmer-herder conflicts are not only seen as resources conflict, but also as an ethnic conflict involving the two groups (Tonah 2006:160). Since pastoralists and native groups possess distinct values, customs, physical and cultural characteristics; ethnicity plays key role in their conflicts. According to Olaniyan (2015), resource scarcity is evident as a cause of the conflict (Olaniyan 2015:335). In respect to the above theoretical debates and positions by various scholars, the study seeks to discuss and analyse the herder-farmer conflict in Agogo.
1.7 Literature Review
This section reviews literature from books, articles and other relevant sources on topics related to the study of farmer-herder conflicts in Ghana. The literature will be reviewed on the general studies on resolving the conflicts between herders and crop farmers in Ghana especially Asanti Akyim Agogo. This is because there are important themes in the research objectives. Reviewing literature on these themes highlight the various relating and similar views of writers and scholars on the issues understudy.
1.7.1 Factors that Continue to Attract the Fulani Herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo
Bukari and Schareika (2015) in an article “Stereotypes, prejudices and exclusion of Fulani pastoralists in Ghana” discussed some of the factors that attracts the Fulani herdsmen to Agogo. The authors argued that, the Fulani herdsmen are well-known in the anthropological literature for their skill in cattle keeping. The Fulani spread across West Africa and remain a minority in comparison to the so-called indigenous populations (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:4). The authors claimed that, the Fulani herdsmen are also a minority in terms of power and access to resources in many states across West Africa. The pastoral or Fulani are often moving across regions and national borders in West Africa. Ghana is a preferred destination for many of the Fulani pastoralists (Bukari and Schareika, 2015:4). However, the authors only discussed some of the factors that attracted the Fulani herdsmen to Agogo but did not address the expansion in cattle trade as one of the factors that attracts Fulani herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo. In chapter two of this study, Proximity to large cattle markets as one of the factors that attract Fulani herdsmen to Agogo is discussed. This will help to find ways in avoiding the reoccurrence of farmer-herder conflicts and also assist in improving the strategies for reducing the farmer-herder conflicts in Agogo.
Tonah (2005) in an article “Fulani in Ghana: Migration history, integration and resistance” discussed some of the factors that attracts the Fulani herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo. According to Tonah, the Fulani migration into Ghana is a recent phenomenon. The author explained that it was not until the beginning of the twentieth century that any significant Fulani presence in what then was Gold Coast was documented. The author argued that, the first census in the Gold Coast in 1911 included Fulani because a number were found along the White Volta of northern Ghana. However, Fulani were seasonally moving southwards to Ghana long before the British arrived in the Gold Coast (Tonah, 2005). Their first migration was to the northern part of present Ghana. The author claimed that, historically, three major reasons are responsible for Fulani migration into Ghana in the twentieth century. First of all is the expansion in cattle trade, second is the establishment and development of native farms by colonial authorities, and third is the Sahelian droughts of the 1970s and 1980s which forced herders to move with their cattle in search of pasture and water (Tonah, 2005). Therefore, the reason for Fulani presence in Ghana was economic and ecological. Since migrating into Ghana, some Fulani have settled permanently. Now, Fulani herdsmen are found in almost all parts of Ghana where some are businessmen as well as engaged in many aspects of the Ghanaian society. The author only discussed some of the factors that attracts Fulani herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo but did not address political and social motivation as one of the factors that attracts Fulani herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo. In chapter two of this study, political and social motivation as one of the factors that attract Fulani herdsmen to Asanti Akyim Agogo is discussed. This will help to find ways in avoiding the reoccurrence of farmer-herder conflicts and also assist in improving the strategies for reducing the farmer-herder conflicts in Agogo.
1.7.2 The Cause of Conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo
Baidoo (2014) in a book “Farmer-Herder Conflicts: a Case Study of Fulani Herdsmen and Farmers in the Agogo Traditional Area of the Ashanti Region” discussed some of the causes of the conflict in Asante Akyim Agogo. The author argued that, the destruction of farm produce by the cattle of the Fulani herdsmen was one of the major sources of tension between them and farmers. The destruction of farms and farm products normally occurs when Fulani herdsmen send their cattle to graze during the day or at night (Baidoo, 2014:47). The author claimed that, the animals sometimes stray without the knowledge of the herdsmen into farms and on other occasions the herdsmen intentionally send the animals to farms to graze. The destruction of farms normally occurs at night when Fulani herdsmen send their cattle to graze (Baidoo, 2014:47). The writer explained that, the inability of the Fulani herdsmen to control the movement of the herds at night coupled with the number of cattle under the care of one or two herdsmen makes the destruction of farms inevitable. According to Baidoo, the greater part of the destruction of farms occurs during the dry season. This is because in the dry season, water becomes scarce and because crops such as plantain and water melon retain water, the Fulani herdsmen depend on these food crops as sources of water for their cattle (Baidoo, 2014:47). However, the author only discussed some of some of the causes of the conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo but did not address the issue of media discourse as one of the causes of the conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo. In chapter two of this study, media discourse as one of the causes of the farmer-herder conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo is discussed. This will help in improving the strategies for resolving the farmer-herder conflicts in Asanti Akyim Agogo.
Kuusaana and Bukari (2015) in an article “Land Conflicts between Smallholders and Fulani Pastoralists in Ghana: Evidence from the Asante Akim North District” discussed some of the causes of conflict in Agogo. The author argued that, the farmer-Fulani herder conflicts have always been the result of crop destructions, resource scarcity, cattle rustling and other social factors like cultural and ethnic differences. Conversely, the major cause of herder-farmer conflict is the issue of farm or grass land scarcity. The quest for land breeds competition between farmers and herders, who see each other as antagonists instead of partners with potential mutual benefits (Kuusaana and Bukari, 2015:9). The author explained that, scarcity of land for agricultural expansion, for instance, compels farmers to move further to grazing lands to expand their farms. This brings them into direct competition for space with herders. Violent confrontations between the smallholders and herders intensified following the formal land lease agreements between cattle owners and the Agogo Traditional Council (Kuusaana and Bukari, 2015:9). However, the authors only addressed some of the causes of the conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo but did not discuss institutional failure as one of the causes of the conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo. In chapter two of this study, institutional failure as one of the causes of the farmer-herder conflict in Asanti Akyim Agogo is discussed. This will help to find ways in avoiding farmer-herder conflicts and also assist in improving the strategies for resolving the farmer-herder conflicts in Asanti Akyim Agogo.
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- Quote paper
- Caeser Nibelli (Author), 2019, The conflicts between herders and farmers in Asante Akyim Agogo. How can they be resolved?, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/503392
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