This paper is primarily dedicated to the interpretation of the content of the face designs on the tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte from around the middle to the end of the 5th century BC in order to try to determine their specific pictorial themes on the one hand and, on the other, to deduce any intentional self-statements of the historical population of Selinunte. The focus here will be on the depictions of the sacrificing river gods on the reverses of the tetradrachms and didrachms, as these are regarded in research, irrespective of their interpretation, as a secure link in terms of content between these two denominations due to strong similarities in mint, minting period, motif and image type, and are regarded as the basis for their cultural-historical interpretation of the face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte. To this end, the history of Selinunte will first be outlined in the context of the development of Selinunte coinage. The face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms in focus here will then be analysed iconographically. In accordance with the research consensus, the fundamentally constant main motifs are more central than minor deviations in the details and art-historical-stylistic developments of the image types. The iconological interpretation of the pictorial themes, followed by their classification in the history of Selinunte and possibly communicated contemporary values, will then be attempted, taking into account the research discourse.
Table of Contents
1 INTRODUCTION
2 OUTLINE OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREEK CITY OF SELINUNTE AND ITS COINAGE
3 INTERPRETATION OF THE FACE DESIGNS ON THE TETRADRACHMS AND DIDRACHMS
3.1 Iconography of the face designs
3.2 Interpretations of face designs in the history of research
3.3 Iconologica! meaning of the sacrificial river gods
4 CONCLUSION
5 BIBLIOGRAPHY
5.1 List of sources
5.2 Bibliography
6 CATALOGUE
6.1 Selinunte
6.2 Himera
6.3 Gela
6.4 Croton
6.5 Heraclea, Lucania
6.6 Syracuse
1 Introduction
As early as 1935, A. H. Lloyd wrote in an article for the Royal Numismatic Society on the interpretation of the face designs [ Munzbilder ~ coin images] of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte minted from around the middle to the end of the 5th century BC: "It is these tetradrachms and didrachms, (...), whose common interpretation it is found necessary first to call into dispute and finally, however reluctantly, entirely to reject."1
In fact, the article in question provided an impetus to scrutinise the long-established interpretation that the face designs on the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte [SslTvoug; sometimes Romanised: Selinous/Selinus] in question depicted sacrifices of thanksgiving to the local river gods for the rehabilitation of these waters and the associated rescue of the city from a plague2 and to develop alternatives. A. H. Lloyd interpreted the face designs more as an expression of Selinunte's warlike enmity with neighbouring Akragas, while various attempts have also been made to attribute the sacrificial scenes to specific cults and temples that are archaeologically documented for Selinunte.3 In contrast, C. Weiss argued in the context of a comprehensive analysis of the iconography of Greek river deities in pre-Hellenistic times for an interpretation of the face designs as sacrificial offerings in the context of a mythicised colony foundation history.4 However, the various more recent explanatory approaches have often only been discussed and disseminated to a limited extent, with the result that many current publications on the coinage of Selinunte deal only superficially or not at all with the interpretation of the pictorial themes of the tetradrachms and didrachms.5
However, archaeological and ancient historical research into the history, economy and culture of Selinunte, as well as related questions about Greek colonies in Sicily, is particularly dependent on numismatic contextualisation, especially in the absence of detailed contemporary written sources, as Selinunte was one of the first and largest Greek mints in Sicily.6 An iconographic and iconological examination of the face designs can above all provide information about their cultural-historical meaning, for example about contemporary values and the conscious self-presentation of the minting states and their representatives.7
This paper is therefore primarily dedicated to the interpretation of the content of the face designs on the tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte from around the middle to the end of the 5th century BC in order to try to determine their specific pictorial themes on the one hand and, on the other, to deduce any intentional self-statements of the historical population of Selinunte. The focus here will be on the depictions of the sacrificing river gods on the reverses of the tetradrachms and didrachms, as these are regarded in research, irrespective of their interpretation, as a secure link in terms of content between these two denominations due to strong similarities in mint, minting period, motif and image type, and are regarded as the basis for their cultural-historical interpretation of the face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte.8 To this end, the history of Selinunte will first be outlined in the context of the development of Selinunte coinage. The face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms in focus here will then be analysed iconographically. In accordance with the research consensus, the fundamentally constant main motifs are more central than minor deviations in the details and art-historical-stylistic developments of the image types.9 The iconological interpretation of the pictorial themes, followed by their classification in the history of Selinunte and possibly communicated contemporary values, will then be attempted, taking into account the research discourse. Finally, a summarising conclusion will also provide an outlook.
2 Outline of the development of the Greek city of Selinunte and its coinage
The historical record of Selinunte from ancient written sources is relatively sparse and is primarily based on mentions in Thucydides and Diodorus Siculus, with the latter writing just over 300 years after the destruction of Selinunte in 409 BC. The year in which Selinunte was founded has been handed down differently.10 While the date given by Thucydides was often considered more accurate, De Angelis surmised that both dates could be "correct", in that the earlier date could refer to the decision to found this colony and the later date to its provisional completion, given that recent research often no longer regards the founding of Greek colonies as a singular event, but rather as a longer process.11 What is certain, however, is that Selinunte was founded in the second half of the 7th century BC as the westernmost Doric-Greek colony on the southern coast of Sicily, between the eponymous river Selinos in the west and the river Hypsas in the east, under the leadership of the oikist Pamillos from Megara, by Megara and its eastern Sicilian daughter city Megara Hyblaia.12 The name of the river Selinos, and thus indirectly that of the polis, is derived from selinon, the Greek name for the leaf of the celery plant (Eppichblatt), as wild celery grew abundantly on the banks of this river.13 Based on a mention in Plutarch and the fact that the celery leaf was depicted on almost all of Selinunte's silver coins, it can be assumed that this served as a 'talking' emblem for the polis. 14 Around 100 years after its own foundation, Selinunte founded Herakleia Minoa further east on the south coast.15 With regard to Selinunte's form of government, it is assumed that the original oligarchy was replaced by various tyrants in the late 6th century, but that a democracy was established in the early 5th century, as Selinunte took part in the overthrow of the tyrant of Syracuse in 467/6 BC.16 In 480 BC, Selinunte supported Carthage's campaign against Himera; Selinunte's relationship with Akragas was also rather hostile, but the western Sicilian Elymians of Segesta were, with interruptions, probably Selinunte's most continuous enemy, with whom Selinunte was regularly involved in military border conflicts.17 In 409 BC, Selinunte was destroyed by a large Carthaginian army that had come to Segesta's aid in the battle against Selinunte and the population was killed, enslaved and expelled. F. Schleicher assumes that Carthage deliberately wanted to use Selinunte to destroy a major trading rival in the western Mediterranean.18 After this massive blow, Selinunte continued to exist with a Greek-Carthaginian population under Carthaginian sovereignty, albeit considerably weakened economically, until the settlement was abandoned during the First Punic War around 250 BC.19 During its period of independence, Selinunte was an important supra-regional economic power with a strong agricultural and grain production, large metalworking workshops and, above all, a strategically favourable location in the trade network of the western Mediterranean.20 However, maritime trade cannot have been the reason for the early start of coinage in Selinunte in the late 6th century BC, as on the one hand hardly any finds of Selinunte coins outside Sicily are documented and on the other hand, according to W. Fischer-Bossert, the early coinage of Selinunte is unlikely to have been suitable for supra-regional trade due to its highly irregular weight.21 Alternatively, it has been suggested that the early coinage was only used in a local context, for example for the construction of Selinunte's imposing temples, or that it primarily served a representative purpose, so that minting one's own silver coins - especially in Sicily, which was poor in natural silver deposits - was a sign of wealth and prestige, especially if the coins bore symbols of one's own polis and one was not solely dependent on external coins.22
The development of Selinunte coinage can be divided into two main phases: Thus, from c. 540 BC to the first half of the 5th century BC, several slightly different variants of silver didrachms were mainly minted according to the Corinthian standard, bearing the celery leaf on the obverse and a quadratum incusum on the reverse (cat. nos. 1, 2).23 The quadratum incusum of the earlier group of this phase consisted of six irregular triangles, similar to the early coinage of Aiginas (cat. no. 1), while later a smaller group was minted with an incuse celery leaf, partly with an abbreviated ethnicon (cat. no. 2).24
The second main phase from the middle of the 5th century BC is characterised by the adoption of the Attic silver coinage standard, a greater wealth of detail in various coin designs and a finer workmanship.25 Various silver nominals were minted in this phase, of which the various versions of the silver tetradrachms and silver didrachms (cat. nos. 3, 6), which are constant in terms of pictorial motifs and themes - primarily with regard to the depiction of the sacrificing river gods on the reverse - are the most widespread.26 In addition, the stylistic influence of Syracuse on Selinunte coinage during this phase can be clearly traced, primarily in the depiction of quadrigae (cat. no. 13).27 From the middle of the 5th century BC, copper coins were also produced in Selinunte alongside tetradrachms, didrachms and litrae - initially cast and later minted - although it is disputed whether and in which cases these were private or official issues of the polis or even partly forgeries.28 It is generally assumed that coinage in Selinunte ended with the destruction by Carthage in 409 BC, but O. Bernhard surmised that some of the copper coins could have been minted later.29
3 Interpretation of the face designs on the tetradrachms and didrachms
3.1 Iconography of the face designs
The face designs of the Selinunte tetradrachms and didrachms are by no means all identical, so a stylistic development over time, which was partly influenced by Syracusan coinage, is clearly recognisable.30 However, there are only minor differences in the basic motifs of all the issues, which is why researchers treat the various Selinunte tetradrachm and didrachm issues as a single iconographic unit for the purpose of interpreting the content of the face designs.31
The central element of the obverse coin designs of the tetradrachm issues (cat. nos. 3-5) is the depiction of a quadriga, but this probably shows the greatest changes in style - here from austere to rich style - and motif from issue to issue.32 In addition to the change in the direction of travel of the quadriga, the increasingly detailed depiction of the horse and cart, according to W. Fischer-Bossert, can also be attributed to the copying of the popular, contemporary Syracusan quadriga coin designs.33 Most of the issues show a female figure and a male figure shooting a bow in a chariot (cat. nos. 3, 4), which are unanimously identified as the sibling gods Apollo and Artemis due to the Selinunte context and the attribute of the bow, as these were the central patron gods of the polis, which Selinunte had taken over from the metropolis Megara.34 Late issues, dated after 417 BC, appear to depict a female charioteer who is interpreted as Nike due to the addition of a victory wreath and the typological similarity to a Syracusan face design (cat. no. 5).35 From around 440 BC, most of the issues also feature the image of a horizontal ear of wheat in the section and later, in some cases, the ethnicon of Selinunte.36 In general, most of Selinunte's tetradrachms bear a variation of the ethnicon EEAINONTION ("of the citizens of Selinunte") as a legend on the obverse, which, as W. Schwabacher notes, is often executed in retrograde and in an ancient letter form on the early issues.37 The obverse of the Selinunte silver didrachms, whose earliest coinage is generally dated to a few decades after the first tetradrachms were minted in the middle of the 5th century BC, indisputably depicts a naked Heracles - recognisable by the attribute of the club - in battle with the Cretan bull, gripping the bull by the horn with his left hand and swinging the club behind his head with his right (cat. nos. 6, 7).38 In addition, some coins of this smaller denomination also bear variations of the "EEAINONTION" ethnicon.
The central element of the reverse of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte is the depiction of the same unifying type of a sacrificing, naked youth.39 He stands in the centre, facing right, holding a phiale in his outstretched right hand above an altar in the left field of the coin design and a laurel branch in his left hand (cat. nos. 3-7). It is therefore generally assumed that this depicts a libation.40 The youths are indisputably identified as divine personifications of the Selinunte rivers Selinos and Hypsas on the tetradrachms XEAINOE and on the didrachms IIVTAA based on the partially recognisable head horns and the accompanying legends.41 The celery leaf is usually depicted in the centre of the right field of each reverse (cat. nos. 3-7). Depending on the denomination, the images differ not only in the various legends but also in their inscriptions in the lower left and right fields. While the tetradrachms depict a cockerel in front of the altar in the lower left field and a bull figure on a base in the lower right field (cat. nos. 3-5), the lower left field of the diadrachms shows a snake around the altar and the lower right field depicts a long-legged water bird strutting to the right (cat. nos. 6, 7). C. Weiss has plausibly identified the latter as a heron on the basis of the bird's partially recognisable crest.42
3.2 Interpretations of face designs in the history of research
The superficial identification of the figures depicted on the face designs and the rough categorisation of the reverse images as sacrificial river gods is not controversial in ancient studies; the earliest documented such identification of the face designs was made by H. Goltzius in 1576 AD.43 There is also a consensus that the face designs of the Selinunte tetradrachms and didrachms form not only a typological but also a thematic unity, with the depiction of the sacrificing river gods as the central link.44 However, the correct interpretation of the sacrificial motif and the associated identification of the overarching theme depicted is highly controversial.45
One theory, which does not necessarily contradict further explanations of the sacrificial scenes, is that the insignia of the sacrificial scene are intended to show a historically real temenos, for example the bull figure with base in the right field of the reverse of the tetradrachm is interpreted as a votive.46 It has occasionally been surmised that the face designs could show the river gods libating in the temenos of another deity. It was often assumed that the snake and the cockerel in the lower left field could be a sanctuary of Asclepius.47 However, as C. Weiss plausibly explained, on the one hand the association with Asclepius, for whom there is no evidence of cultic worship in Selinunte, is vague and ambiguous due to the animals, especially in the case of the cockerel, and on the other hand it is generally difficult to imagine that river gods, who in antiquity were thought to be bound to a specific location, could sacrifice in an altar that was not directly on the river.48 C. Weiss also refutes the assumption that the depiction could refer to a purification ritual in a temenos using river water by pointing out that ritual purifications in temenoi were generally associated with spring water, i.e. iconologically with spring nymphs and not with river gods.49 C. Weiss therefore assumes, following L. Lacroix, that the reverse shows the river gods sacrificing at their own altars at a rural temenos, possibly at the respective river springs.50 C. Weiss therefore interprets the inscriptions as follows:51 Basically, the various insignia supported the assumption that different temenoi of the respective river gods and no single one is to be depicted. The cockerel and snake are not sacrificial animals but can be identified as corresponding altar guardians on the basis of similar depictions in contemporary vase painting. The bull figure is a real, possibly ancient cult image of Selinos himself, as the depiction of rivers personified as gods as bulls was particularly widespread in Greek Sicily. In the specific case of Selinos, the horns of the river god and another Selinunte coinage showing Selinos as a bull-man (cat. no. 8) would also speak in favour of this. The heron would have a similar function of concretising a place as the bull figure. As a typical motif of marshy meadows, it refers to a natural sanctuary of Hypsas.
A. Lloyd, on the other hand, interprets the cockerel and bull figure as political symbols, with the cockerel, as the emblem of Himera, standing for the Himera-Selinunte friendship and the bull figure, as an image of the Phalerian bull, for the common enmity with Akragas and the sacrifice being made in thanks for a victory over Akragas.52 In this context, the bull on the obverse of the didrachms would also represent the conquest of Akragas by Selinunte and Himera. The motifs of contemporary tetradrachms minted by Himera also seem to indicate a closer exchange with Selinunte, as these show a similar sacrificial scene with the eponymous spring nymph on the obverse and a quadriga on the reverse (cat. no. 9).53 C. Weiss contradicts this theory, however, by pointing out that the depiction of the libation and the laurel branch are symbols for sacrificial offerings (supplication offerings; as in a libation; asking for divine favours) typical of the period and thus hardly compatible with the assumption of a victory sacrifice (as in a show of gratitude for already received divine favours).54 The oldest theory, which has long been handed down in research, goes back to H. Goltzius and establishes a connection between a story by Diogenes Laertios and the face designs in question:55 According to the 3rd century AD doxographer, the natural philosopher Empedocles of Akragas had diverted the Hypsas into the Selinos at his own expense in the 5th century BC, which would have prevented the formation of stagnant swamp water near the city from then on due to the now faster flow of the Selinos. A severe epidemic that had previously affected Selinunte, originating from this swampy water, was thus ended, which is why Empedocles was worshipped by the Selinuntines like a god. It has therefore long been assumed in research and is also partly handed down in more recent research, that the river gods made a sacrifice of gratitude for the restoration of the waters.56 This is also often associated with the localisation of the sacrificial scene in an Asklepios temenos. Both this and the assumption of a sacrifice of thanksgiving are rather absurd due to the counter-arguments already presented by C. Weiss. In addition, A. Lloyd, with his knowledge of the natural topography of Selinunte, points out that such large-scale canal construction works would have to be assumed that these could hardly have been financed by a wealthy private individual and would inevitably have left recognisable traces in the Selinunte topography that would have lasted over time.57 Despite extensive archaeological excavations and investigations in Selinunte, no such complex has been found to date. In addition, A. Lloyd doubts why Empedocles, who came from the hostile Akragas, from which he was later banished, should have used his private funds for Selinunte in such a way and suspects that this is a localisation error in the tradition and that Empedocles possibly diverted two smaller rivers into one another near Akragas.58
Likewise, the theory expressed by J. Krause that the depiction of the river gods as sacrificing youths could depict historically real statues in temples of the river gods cannot be validly supported by ancient sources or archaeological findings.59 Although some Greek coinage did indeed depict real statues, this is also rather unlikely in view of the popularity of the depiction of water deities on Sicilian coins (e.g. cat. nos. 9, 10).60
Based on C. Weiss' objections to all other interpretations, she concludes that the face designs depict the river gods making an offering for protection and assistance at the founding of the colonies of Selinunte and Herakleia Minoa.61 According to her, the obverse of the tetradrachms depicts an offering made by Selinunte's eponymous river god on the occasion of the founding of the colonies, while the obverse depiction of Apollo and Artemis refers to their special role in the founding of colonies. As the oracle of Apollo in Delphi was usually consulted before a colony was founded, Apollo was often regarded as the mythical oikistes of colony foundations, and Artemis was also frequently assigned the role of colonisation leader, especially in Sicily.62 In contrast, the smaller denomination shows the founding sacrifice for the Selinunte colony of Herakleia Minoa - recognisable by the obverse depiction of the eponymous Heracles, which would be offered by the Hypsas, as it lies in the direction of Herakleia Minoa.63 C. Weiss supports the theory that the reverses depict the river gods as mythical oikistes at supplication offerings with motifs related to contemporary coinage from Kroton and Herakleia in Lucania, both of which show Heracles as a mythical oikistes at a libation (cat. nos. 11, 12).64 The association of the supplication offering with the mythical foundation of the polis is particularly evident in the legend OEKEMTAM (|E instead of I, M instead of E| cat. no. 11).
C. Weiss' foundation sacrifice theory is strongly based on the association with the libation depiction of Herakles oikistes, the transferability of which to the river gods of Selinunte may appear questionable. However, this does not invalidate C. Weiss' separate criticism of all other possible interpretations, which is why in my opinion the foundation sacrifice theory is the most plausible overall of all the interpretations put forward in research.
3.3 Iconological meaning of the sacrificial river gods
Assuming that the reverse face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte from the middle of the 5th century BC are indeed intended to depict mythical offerings for the foundation of Selinunte and Heraclea Minoa, the question arises as to why these images were chosen around 200 years after the foundation of Selinunte and 100 years after that of Heraclea Minoa and what messages contemporaries associated with them. Firstly, it can be assumed that these coins were not primarily intended to facilitate trade. As already mentioned, the Selinuntine currency was not circulated supraregional and for regional trade it should be assumed that a standardised weight and indication of the denomination and place of minting would have been sufficient. The detailed artistic design of such local issues, as they were produced by many poleis in Sicily and Magna Graecia at this time (cat. nos. 9-12), are indicative of the fact that the primary motivation for such coinage was probably the display of one's own prestige, wealth and artistic ability.65
Consequently, these issues also served to testify to Selinunte's prosperity and prestige in the selfpresentation competition with other Sicilian poleis. In this context, F. Schleicher interprets the frequent depiction of an ear of wheat on the obverse of the tetradrachms (cat. nos. 4, 5) as a culturally specific symbol of prosperity.66 However, the prominence of the depiction of sacrificing mythical oikistes in Selinunte and in Western Greek coinage in general (cat. nos. 9-12) still requires explanation. Also noteworthy in this context is the aforementioned attempt, noted by Schwabacher, to deliberately depict the ethnicon on early tetradrachm coinage in a more ancient manner, since the face designs also attempt to place the foundation stories in a mythical prehistory, such as that of Heracles, although in Selinunte, as elsewhere, the approximate foundation dates and names of the human oikistes were known. It must therefore be assumed, especially in this context of the poleis ' self-presentation, that there was a particular prestige associated with a polis being able to proclaim a god as its mythical oikistes. 67 In the case of the tetradrachms, C. Weiss assumes that the face designs were intended to place the Selinuntines in a special proximity to Apollo and Artemis: As patron gods of the metropolis and the oracle of Delphi, which was important for the founding of colonies - and the eponymous Selinos, in a sense as their descendants, since they came from a polis founded by gods.68 In the case of the didrachms - here only with Heracles instead of Apollo - this consideration can be applied to Herakleia Minoa, but also in principle to oikistes coins of this period. T. Hölscher describes this phenomenon, which frequently occurred in pre-Hellenistic times, as local references, whereby poleis and their citizens could claim a prestigious, exclusive relationship to deities with a local reference.69 According to E. Stein-Hölkeskamp, this could also serve to consolidate the founding of the colony, but also the claim to ownership of the area in question in general.70 In this sense, the designation of the region by the river gods could also be understood as a territorial claim to power by the Selinuntines. According to C. Weiss, in addition to the proclamation of an exclusive proximity to certain gods, the deliberate mythification of the foundation story as a redating of the foundation could have been conducive to Selinunte's prestige, as older poleis were often held in higher esteem.71 This is also supported by the use of a strikingly ancient script in the ethnicon of Selinunte's early tetradrachms.
In addition, C. Weiss argues that the choice of depicting the river gods as oikistes in Selinunte and the contemporary popularity of water deities as coin motifs in Greek Sicily was neither a coincidence nor solely due to their prestigious status as members of the Titan deity family, but was also a culturally specific symbolic expression of the importance of rivers and springs for the Greek colonisation of Sicily.72 In fact, rivers were decisive for ancient Greek settlement projects as sources of fresh water, navigational aids, territorial boundaries, parts of the city fortifications and for agriculture, livestock breeding and trade73 Colonies were often founded specifically between the mouths of two rivers, among other things for better defence of the settlement and because the mouths were usually suitable as natural harbours, as was also the case in Selinunte.74 C. Weiss therefore assumes that the river gods of Selinunte also symbolised the (god-given) basis of life and the origin of the polis ' prosperity.75
It is therefore safe to assume that the face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte, especially the scenes of the sacrificing river gods, must be understood as important message carriers in the context of contemporary iconology. In addition to proclaiming Selinunte's prosperity and its prestigious divine descent, these issues also indicate the great, omnipresent importance of the rivers for the Selinuntines.
4 Conclusion
The aim of this term paper was to interpret the iconography of the tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte from the middle of the 5th century BC onwards, primarily the depiction of the sacrificial river gods, in the context of historical sources and the discourse in modern research on classical antiquity, and to analyse the intentional self-statements of the historical population of Selinunte. To this end, the history of Selinunte was first outlined in the context of the development of Selinunte coinage and then the face designs of the tetradrachms and didrachms were analysed iconographically. Taking into account the various research theories, I came to the conclusion that the theory of C. Weiss, which recognises in the depiction of the sacrificing river gods an offering of the river gods as mythical oikistes of Selinunte and Herakleia Minoa, is the most plausible overall. On this basis, it was established that the iconography of the tetradrachms and didrachms in question at Selinunte appears to have had the primary function of proclaiming Selinunte's prosperity and a prestigious, mythical- divine origin and descent. Furthermore, it was shown that the historical prominence of the depiction of water deities in Sicily in general and in Selinunte in particular is to be understood as an indication of the great economic, social and mythical importance of rivers for the foundation and prosperity of western Greek colonies.
Due to the limited scope of this work, it primarily focussed on the interpretation of the content of the face designs, while the art-historical-numismatic subtleties and differences between the various tetradrachms and didrachms minted in Selinunte could not be discussed in detail.
The results of this paper could also form a starting point for clarifying the question of whether and to what extent the concept of proclaiming a prestigious divine lineage, by means of the depiction of the river gods as oikistes on face designs, could also be transferred to the coinage of other western Greek poleis, which also depict water deities, or whether such similarities are rather due to the generally immense importance of water for the western Greek settlers.
5 Bibliography
5.1 List of sources
Diod. XIII
Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, übers. v. C. H. Oldfather, Volume V. Books 12.41-13, in: Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Massachusetts/London, England 1950)
Diog. Laert. VIII
Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, übers. v. R.D. Hicks, Book 8, in: Perseus
Digital Library, https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0258%3Aboo k%3D8%3Achapter%3D1 (übersetzt 1925/online zuletzt aufgerufen am 12.04.2023)
Plut. de Pyth. or. XII
Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis/Plutarch’s Morals, übers. v. W. W. Goodwin, Section 12, in:
Perseus Digital Library, https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Plut+De+Pyth+12&fromdoc=Perseus%3At ext%3A2008.01.0248 (übersetzt 1874/online zuletzt aufgerufen am 12.04.2023)
Thuk. VI
Thukydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, übers. v. C. F. Smith, Volume II. Books 3-4, in: Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Massachusetts/London, England 1920)
Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin
Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. Interaktiver Katalog des Münzkabinetts der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, https://ikmk.smb.museum/home (zuletzt aufgerufen am 13.04.2023)
Münzkabinett der Stadt Winterthur
Münzkabinett der Stadt Winterthur. Interaktiver Katalog des Münzkabinetts der Stadt Winterthur, https://ikmk-win.ch/home (zuletzt aufgerufen am 13.04.2023)
Das digitale Münzkabinett der Universität Würzburg
Martin von Wagner Museum der Universität Würzburg. Das digitale Münzkabinett der Universität Würzburg, https://www.nomisma.museum.uni-wuerzburg.de/home (zuletzt aufgerufen am 13.04.2023)
5.2 Bibliography
Arnold-Biucchi 1992
C. Arnold-Biucchi, The Beginnings of Coinage in the West: Archaic Selinus, in: H. Nilsson (Hrsg.), Florilegium Numismaticum. Studia in honorem U. Westermark edita (Stockholm 1992) 13-19
Bernhard 1925
O. Bernhard, Die Kupfermünzen von Selinunt, SchwNumRu 24, 1925, 207-217
Brill’s New Pauly. Enzyklopädie der Antike 2006
Bill’s New Pauly (2006) s. v. Selinus (E. Olshausen), http://dx.doi.org.ubproxy.ub.uni- heidelberg.de/10.1163/1574-9347 dnp e1107470 (08.04.2023)
Cahn 1979
H. A. Cahn, “Olynthus” and Syracuse, in O. M0rkholm - N. Waggoner (Hrsg.), Essays in Honor of Margaret Thompson, Greek Numismatics and Archaeology (Wetteren 1979) 47-52
Chiarenza 2020
N. Chiarenza, Water, Social Space and Architecture at Selinous. The Case of the Urban Sanctuary, in: N. Chiarenza - A. Haug - U. Müller (Hrsg.), The Power of Urban Water. Studies in Premodern Urbanism (Berlin/Boston 2020)
Christ 1991
K. Christ, Antike Numismatik. Einführung und Bibliographie [3](Darmstadt 1991)
De Angelis 2003
K. de Angelis, Megara Hyblaia and Selinous. The Development of Two Greek City-States in Archaic Sicily, Oxford University School of Archaeology Monograph No. 57 (Oxford 2003)
Fischer-Bossert 1998
W. Fischer-Bossert, Nachahmungen und Umbildungen in der sizilischen Münzprägung, SchwNumRu 77, 1998, 25-39
Fischer-Bossert 2012
W. Fischer-Bossert, The Coinage of Sicily, in: W. E. Metcalf (Hrsg.), The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Coinage (New York 2012) 142-156
Goltzius 1567
H. Goltzius, Graecia sive Historiae Vrbivm et Popvlorvm Graeciae ex antiquis nvmismatibvs restitvtae. Libri qvator (Brügge 1567)
Head 1887
B. V. Head, Historia Numorum. A Manual of Greek Numismatics (Oxford 1887)
Hölscher 2020
T. Hölscher, From Early on to Become a Hero (‘Held’). Mythical Models of Alexander’s Image and Biography, in: K. Trampedach - A. Meeus (Hrsg.), The Legitimation of Conquest. Monarchical Representation and the Art of Government in the Empire of Alexander the Great (Stuttgart 2020) 21-44
Hölscher 2021
T. Hölscher, Klassische Archäologie. Grundwissen [5](Darmstadt 2021)
Hoover 2012
O. D. Hoover, Handbook of Coins of Sicily (Including Lipara). Civic, Royal, Siculo-Punic, and Romano-Sicilian Issues. Sixth to First Centuries BC, The Handbook of Greek Coinage Series. Volume 2 (London 2012)
Imhoof-Blumer 1873
F. Imhoof-Blumer, Die Münzen von Selinunt und ihre Typen, in: O. Benndorf (Hrsg.), Die Metopen von Selinunt. Mit Untersuchungen ueber die Geschichte die Topographie und die Tempel von Selinunt (Berlin 1873) 73-81
Krause 1871
J. H. Krause, Die Musen, Grazien, Horen und Nymphen mit Betrachtung der Flussgötter in philologischer, mythisch - religiöser und kunstarchäologischer Beziehung aus den Schrift- und Bildwerken des Alterthums (Halle 1871)
Lacroix 1965
L. Lacroix, Monnaies et colonisation dans l'Occident grec, Mémoire de la Classe des Lettres. Collection in 80 58 2 (Brüssel 1965)
Lloyd 1935
A. H. Lloyd, The Coin types of Selinus and the Legend of Empedocles, NumChron Fifth Series Vol. 15 No. 58, 1935, 73-93
Longrigg 1993
H. D. Longrigg, Empedocles and the Plague at Selinus: A Cock and Bull Story?, in: H. D. Jocelyn (Hrsg.), Tria lustra. Essays and Notes Presented to John Pinsent, Liverpool Classic Papers 3 (Liverpool 1993) 29-34
Miethke 2008
J. Miethke, Antikes Sizilien in Münzen und Tempeln. Festschrift zum Vortrag in der Antikensammlung zu Kiel vom 29.11.2008 (Neumünster 2009)
Oxford Classical Dictionary 2016
Oxford Classical Dictionary (2016) s. v. libations (I. Malkin), https://oxfordre- com.ubproxy.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/classics/displav/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.001.0001/acrefore-9780199381135-e-3676?rskev=BGFpAV&result=1 (10.04.2023)
Rutter 1997
N. K. Rutter, The Greek Coinages of Southern Italy and Sicily (London 1997)
Schleicher 2017
F. Schleicher, Eine Polis an der Grenze des karthagischen Machtbereiches. Handelsmotive als Ursache für die Zerstörung Selinunts 409 v. Chr., Historia 66, 2017/4, 384-400
Schwabacher 1925
W. Schwabacher, Die Tetradrachmenprägung von Selinunt, Mitteilungen der Bayerischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft 43, 1925, 1-89
Stein-Hölkeskamp 2019
E. Stein-Hölkeskamp, Krise und Konsolidierung der Polis, in: H.-J. Gehrke - H. Schneider (Hrsg.), Geschichte der Antike. Ein Studienbuch [5](Berlin 2019) 120-144
Weiss 1984
C. Weiss, Griechische Flussgottheiten in vorhellenistischer Zeit. Ikonographie und Bedeutung, Beiträge zur Archäologie 17 (Würzburg 1984)
6 Catalogue
- For copyright reasons, no photographs of (most) of the objects are reproduced here. Nevertheless, the detailed descriptions can serve to give an approximate idea of the objects. In addition, an image source (if possible, with an Internet link) is given for each object. In some cases, images of similar coins are also shown with (almost) the same face designs, which can be reproduced here according to their open access status or are no longer protected by copyright.
6.1 Selinunte
Early didrachms of Selinunte
Cat. no. 1
Ov: Celery leaf, a dot at the bottom of the stem on the left and right.
Rv: Quadratum incusum, whose four individual squares are again divided into two or three segments by diagonals.
Date: ca. 530-510 BC.
Didrachm (Corinthian standard). Silver (embossed). Weight: 8.74 g. Diameter: 22 mm. Stamp position: 12 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18216057.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18216057>> (13.04.2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons [ Sicily, Selinos. Circa 540/530-510 BC./ Selinos SNGANS 666.jpg ]
<https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Selinos_SNGANS_666.jpg>.
Cat. no.2
Ov: Celery leaf.
Rv: E-E-A-I. Celery leaf in the quadratum incusum.
Date: ca. 515-470 BC.
Didrachm (Corinthian standard). Silver (embossed). Weight: 7.86 g. Diameter: 20 mm. Stamp position: 12 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18226481.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18226481>> (13.04.2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons [ Sicilia, Selinus. Circa 515-470 BC./ Selinos didrachm ANS 685 670331.jpg ]
<https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Selinos_didrachm_ANS_685_670331.jpg>.
Tetradrachms from Selinunte from the middle of the 5th century BC.
Cat. no.3
Ov: EEA-IN-ONT-ION. [last N retrograde]. Apollo and Artemis in a quadriga walking to l. Artemis holding the reins, Apollo with cocked bow.
Rv: EEAIN-OE. River god Selinos with a bowl in his right hand and a branch in his left hand stands to the left and sacrifices before an altar. In front of the altar a cock, r. a bull on a base, above it a celery leaf.
Date: ca. 467-445 BC.
Tetradrachm (Attic standard). Silver (minted). Weight: 17.32 g. Diameter: 28 mm. Stamp position: 4 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18214520.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18214520>> (13.04.2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons [ Sicily, Selinus. Circa 455-409 BC./ Selinos AR Tetradrachm 82000284.jpg] <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Selinos_AR_Tetradrachm_82000284.jpg>.
Cat. no. 4
Ov: Apollo and Artemis in quadriga, walking to the right, Apollo with cocked bow in front. Below the double section line a grain of corn or a little elaborated ear of corn.
Rv: EEA-INONTI-ON. The naked river god Selinos stands frontally, head to the left. He holds a laurel branch in his left hand and offers with his right hand from a bowl (phiale). He is offering with his right hand from a bowl (phiale) over a burning altar, in front of which stands a cockerel. In the r. F. a celery leaf, below a bull on a base.
Date: ca. 435-417 BC.
Tetradrachm (Attic standard). Silver (minted). Weight: 17.13 g. Diameter: 27-31 mm. Stamp position: 3 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18214523.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18214523>> (13.04.2023)
Cat. no. 5
Ov: EEAINONTION. Nike riding in a quadriga (quadriga) to the right, above a wreath, in the section an ear of corn.
Rv: The river god Selinos stands in front view, head to l., offering from bowl in r. hand above altar. Hand over altar, in front rooster to l. In l. River god holding laurel branch from which hangs a woollen bandage (taenia). Far r. Bull on base, above celery leaf.
Date: around 420 BC.
Tetradrachm (Attic standard). Silver (minted). Weight: 17.28 g. Diameter: 28 mm. Stamp position: 6 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18200114.
<< https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18200114>> (13/04/2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons (Struck circa 417 or 413 BC)/ Selinos AR Tetradrachm <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Selinos_AR_Tetradrachm_783946.jpg>.
Selinunte didrachms from the middle of the 5th century BC.
Cat. no. 6
Ov: E-E-AI-[N]-0NT-I0S. Heracles to the right, holding the Cretan bull by the horns with his left hand, a club in his raised right hand.
Rv: I IV-|T|A1. The naked river god Hypsas standing frontally, head turned to l., in r. hand a bowl (phiale). He holds a bowl (phiale) in his right hand and a laurel branch in his left. He is sacrificing in front of a funerary monument. In the r. F. a crane to the right, above it a celery leaf.
Date: ca. 450-440 BC.
Didrachm (Attic standard). Silver (embossed). Weight: 8.47 g. Diameter: 24 mm. Stamp position: 4 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18214521.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18214521>> (13.04.2023)
Cat. no. 7
Ov: E-E-AI / NO-I-TON. Heracles to the right, taming the bull.
Rv: HYT-AE. River god Hypsas to l., with bowl (phiale) and branch, in front altar with serpent, behind him heron.
Date: around 440 BC.
Didrachm (Attic standard). Silver (embossed). Weight: 8.78 g. Diameter: 22.1 mm. Stamp position: 6 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the City of Winterthur, ID2892. <<https://ikmk-win.ch/object?id=ID2892>> (13 APRIL 2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons [ Sicily, Selinus. Circa 455-440 BC./ Selinos Didrachm 77000053.jpg ] <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Selinos_Didrachm_77000053.jpg>.
Selinunte litra as an example of the depiction of Selino as a man-bull
Cat. no. 8
Ov: Nymph Eurymedusa sitting on a stone to the left, right hand grasping the snake in the left field, above it a celery leaf, left hand raised above her head; circle of lines.
Rv: 1EAINOE1. River god Selinos as androcephalic (human-headed) bull standing to the right, fish below; circle of lines.
Date: 420-410 BC.
Litra. Silver (embossed). Weight: 0.76 g. Diameter: 12 mm. Stamp position: 2 h.
Proof: The Digital Coin Cabinet of the University of Wurzburg, ID439.
<< https://www.nomisma.museum.uni-wuerzburg.de/object?id=ID439>> (13/04/2023
6.2 Himera
Cat. no. 9
Ov: [IMERAION]. Quadriga (quadriga) walking to the right. The charioteer is crowned by a Nike approaching from the right.
Rv: The nymph Himera in frontal view. Her head is turned to the left towards an altar, over which she is offering from a bowl (phiale) in her r. hand. Hand offering. Her l. Her left hand is raised at an angle, above it a grain of corn. A satyr bathes in a fountain on the right.
Date: ca. 440/430-425 BC.
Tetradrachm. Silver (embossed). Weight: 17.23 g. Diameter: 28 mm. Stamp position: 9 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18214512.
<< https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18214512>> (13/04/2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object (obverse only):
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: ArchaiOptix via Wikimedia Commons [ object type: Greek coin/ Himera - 440-409 BC - silver tetradrachm - charioteer in quadriga and Nike - Himera at altar - Berlin MK AM 18226213.jpg ] <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Himera_-_440-409_BC_-_silver_tetradrachm_- _charioteer_in_quadriga_and_Nike_-_Himera_at_altar_-_Berlin_MK_AM_18226213.jpg>.
6.3 Gela
Cat. no. 10
Ov: Quadriga with charioteer walking to the right. Above them Nike flying to the right and wreathing a horse's head thrown back.
Rv: CEAAE. [C instead of rr]. Protome of the river god Gelas as androcephalic bull with bearded face to r.
Date: ca. 480-470 BC.
Tetradrachm. Silver (embossed). Weight: 17.28 g. Diameter: 25 mm. Stamp position: 12 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18206111.
<< https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18206111>> (13/04/2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object:
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. http://www.cngcoins.com via Wikimedia Commons [ A Greek Silver Tetradrachm of Gela (Sicily), an Exceptional Man-headed Bull on the Reverse. Sicily, Gela./Gela SNGANS 065.jpg ] <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Gela_SNGANS_065.jpg>.
6.4 Croton
Cat. no. 11
Ov: OSKSMTAM. [S instead of I, M instead of S], Heracles sitting naked in three-quarter view to l. on a lion's skin spread over a rock. His quiver and bow lean against it on the right. With the l. hand he leans on his club, in the r. hand he holds a branch over a rock. In his right hand he holds a branch over a burning altar.
Rv: KPOT[ON]. Tripod, r. of which is the python serpent coiled several times, l. stands Apollo, clad in a waistcoat and drawing his bow in its direction.
Date: ca. 425-350 BC.
Stater. Silver (embossed). Weight: 7.75 g. Diameter: 23 mm. Stamp position: 9 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18214781.
<< https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18214781>> (13/04/2023)
6.5 Heraclea, Lucania
Cat. no. 12
Ov: Head of Pallas with bound hair, with olive wreath to the right, [according to B. Head] against the background of an aegis framed in a circle by snakes.
Rv: HPAKAEIHN or F HPAKAHION Heracles sitting naked to l. on a lion's skin spread over a rock. His club leans against it on the right. With his left hand he is leaning on the lion's head lying on the rock. In his outstretched right hand he holds a vessel/cup.
Date: ca. 415-400 BC.
Didrachm. Silver (embossed). Weight: 7.56 g. Diameter: ?. Stamp position: 12 h.
Proof: Head 1887, 59, Fig. 34; illustrations (higher resolution): Numista. Coins. Greece (ancient).
Lucania. Herakleia (Lucania), N# 180262.
<<https://en.numista.com/catalogue/pieces180262.html>> (13 APRIL 2023)
6.6 Syracuse
Cat. no. 13
Ov: Quadriga in three-quarter view, with winged Eros as handlebar to r., above her Nike flying to l. with palm branch (?) or ship's ornament, crowning Eros with victory wreath, in the centre Scylla grasping fish, in front EY0.
Rv: 1YPAK0-1IQN. Kore's head with necklace with lion's head pendant and ear jewellery to l., hair swept up at the nape of the neck and laid over hair cord and ear of corn, curls at the nape of the neck. Poppy capsule in front of the forehead. Surrounded by four dolphins. Signature EVM below the neck section.
Date: ca. 413-399 BC.
Tetradrachm. Silver (embossed). Weight: 17.36 g. Diameter: 26 mm. Stamp position: 6 h.
Proof: Coin Cabinet of the National Museums in Berlin, 18205394.
<<https://ikmk.smb.museum/object?id=18205394>> (13.04.2023)
- Different (open-source) photograph of a similar object (averse only):
Illustrations are not included in the reading sample
- Open-source picture [of a similar object] source: ArchaiOptix via Wikimedia Commons [ object type: Greek coin/ Syrakosai - 413-399 BC - silver tetradrachm - Eros in quadriga and Nike - head of Arethousa - Berlin MK AM 18205394.jpg ] <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Syrakosai_-_413-399_BC_- _silver_tetradrachm_-_Eros_in_quadriga_and_Nike_-_head_of_Arethousa_- _Berlin_MK_AM_18205394.jpg>.
[...]
1 Lloyd 1935, 73.
2 Head 1887, 147f.; Schwabacher 1925, 30.
3 Lloyd 1935, 80-91; Krause 1871, 212.
4 Weiss 1984, 36-46.
5 Fischer-Bossert 2012, 150; Hoover 2012, 314f.; Chiarenza 2020, 63f.
6 See Schleicher 2017, 388f.; Chiarenza 2020, 63f. as examples of the fundamental relevance of numismatics in recent research on Selinunte.
7 Hölscher 2021, 17; Christ 1991, 9f.
8 Weiss 1984, 24-47; Head 1887, 147f.
9 Weiss 1984, 24-47; Head 1887, 147f.
10 According to Thuc. VI,4,2 Selinunte was founded around 628 BC and according to Diod. XIII,59,3 f. around 651 BC.
11 De Angelis 2003, 122-125.
12 Hoover 2012, 313; Brill's New Pauly (2006) s. v. Selinus (E. Olshausen).
13 Rutter 1997, 102; Head 1887, 146-150; singular exception for a didrachma coinage see Weiss 1984, 33.
14 Plut. de Pyth. or. XII; Head 1887, 146.
15 Thuc. VI ,4,2; Brill's New Pauly (2006) s. v. Selinus (E. Olshausen).
16 Hoover 2012, 313.
17 Hoover 2012, 313; Lloyd 1935, 80-89.
18 Schleicher 2017, 395-398.
19 Hoover 2012, 314.
20 Schleicher 2017, 385-390; De Angelis 2003, 184; Selinunte had two harbours and its own navy. Archaeological finds also support the assumption that Selinunte had its own merchant shipping, see Hoover 2012, 313; Schleicher 2017, 389f; 189-191.
21 Fischer-Bossert 2012, 143-145.
22 De Angelis 2003, 185; Schleicher 2017, 390; Cahn 1979, 51; Weiss 1984, 36-47.
23 Arnold-Biucchi 1992, 13-15.
24 Arnold-Biucchi 1992, 14f.
25 Hoover 2012, 314f. 318-320; Weiss 1984, 24-27.
26 Hoover 2012, 318-320.
27 Fischer-Bossert 1998, 25-28.31-33.
28 Hoover 2012, 320-322; Bernhard 1925, 207-214.
29 Hoover 2012, 315. 318-322; Bernhard 1925, 214-217.
30 Schwabacher 1925, 30-66; Fischer-Bossert 1998, 25-28.31-33.
31 Imhoof-Blumer 1873, 79-81; Lloyd 1935, 73f; Weiss 1984, 24.
32 Weiss 1984, 24f.
33 Fischer-Bossert 1998, 25-28.31-33; Hoover 2012, 315.
34 Hoover 2012, 313. 318; Imhoof-Blumer 1873, 75; Weiss 1984, 39.
35 Hoover 2012, 319; Fischer-Bossert 1998, 27f.
36 Hoover 2012, 318f.
37 Weiss 1984, 24f; Schwabacher 1925, 32.
38 Hoover 2012, 319; Weiss 1984, 26f.
39 Weiss 1984, 26. 24-27.
40 Hoover 2012, 313f.
41 Hoover 2012, 313f. 318f.
42 Weiss 1984, 32f.
43 Hoover 2012, 313f; Goltzius 1567, 113-115.
44 Imhoof-Blumer 1873, 79f; Weiss 1984, 24.
45 Lloyd 1935, 73; Longrigg 1993, 32-34; Weiss 1984, 29f.
46 Weiss 1984, 29-33; Krause 1871, 212.
47 Longrigg 1993, 31f.
48 Weiss 1984, 29f. 32.
49 Weiss. 1984, 31-33.
50 Weiss 1984, 32f; Lacroix 1965, 26-28. 120f.
51 Weiss 1984, 32-35.
52 Lloyd 1935, 81-91.
53 Lloyd 1935, 88-90.
54 Weiss 1984, 35f.; Oxford Classical Dictionary (2016) s. v. libations (I. Malkin).
55 Diog. Laert. VIII, 2, 70; Goltzius 1567, 113-115; Head 1887, 147f.; Schwabacher 1925, 30.
56 Head 1887, 147f.; Schwabacher 1925, 30; Miethke 2008, 14; Chiarenza 2020, 63f.
57 Lloyd 1935, 77-79; Longrigg 1993, 31f.
58 Lloyd 1935, 91-93; Longrigg 1993, 33f.
59 Krause 1871, 212.
60 Weiss 1984, 21-23.
61 Weiss 1984, 36-39.
62 Stein-Holkeskamp 2019, 127; Weiss 1984, 39f
63 Weiss 1984, 40f.
64 Weiss 1984, 36f; Lacroix 1965, 76-79.
65 Weiss 1984, 36-47; Schleicher 2017, 388-390; Cahn 1979, 51; Christ 1991, 9f.
66 Schleicher 2017, 388f.
67 Stein-Hölkeskamp 2019, 127; Weiss 1984, 37-49.
68 Weiss 1984, 43f.
69 Hölscher 2020, 24.
70 Stein-Holkeskamp 2019, 127.
71 Weiss 1984, 45f.
72 Weiss 1984, 21-23. 45.
73 Stein-Holkeskamp 2019, 128; Chiarenza 2020, 51-53. 64f.
74 Stein-Holkeskamp 2019, 128; Schleicher 2017, 386. 393.
75 Weiss 1984, 45f.
- Arbeit zitieren
- Pascal Johannes Harter (Autor:in), 2023, Face design of the tetradrachms and didrachms of Selinunte, München, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1472884
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