Worship of the Dead Tennō. Ancestor Worship in Traditions, Rites and Politics

Index of Contents

1) Preface 1
1.1) Context and Relevance of Topic
1.2) Research Questions
1.3) Current State ofResearch
1.4) Methodology and Chapter composition

2) Ancestor Worship in Japan
2.1) Definition and Evolution
2.2) The Japanese le-System and its’ Relevance in Ancestral Reverence
2.3) Ancestor Worship in Shinto and Buddhism
2.4) Deification ofthe Dead and Types ofAncestor Worship

3) Imperial Ancestor Worship and the Imperial Mausolea
3.1) Development ofAncestorWorship in the Imperial Household
3.2) Emergence oflmperial Mausolea
3.3) Administration and Regulations oflmperial Mausolea

4) Rites and Ceremonies at Imperial Gravesites
4.1) Burial Ceremony ofa Deceased Emperor
4.2) Ancestor Veneration Ceremonies during the Imperial Transition
4.3) Ancestor Veneration Ceremonies related to the ImperialAccession 2019
4.4) Ancestor Veneration Rites and Ceremonies 1901 vs. 2022

5) Political and Ideological Significance ofAncestorWorship and the Worship of Imperial Ancestors
5.1) Ancestor Worship from a Political Perspective
5.2) The ImperialAncestors and Invented Traditions

6) Conclusion

7) Bibliography

8) Appendix

1) Preface

According to data published by the Statista Research Department in 2015, 81.6 % of the world population believes in at least one of the six religions Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, native and folk religions, and Judaism.¹ All these religions have at least one common denominator; the belief in some form of afterlife and thus in ancestor worship.

Ancestor worship is a unique belief system that can affect various aspects of life. Whether one believes in the afterlife or reincarnation, in fate or karma or even in creating one’s own destiny, the belief in past family members or respected individuals of past times can be bent and mended to one’s own needs and circumstances. Maybe it is the memory of their lives and the love they granted their descendants, maybe it is the respect and admiration for the lives and achievements they left behind or maybe less positive reasonings lead people to venerate their dead, for example wanting to appease malicious souls that might influence their descendant’s lives negatively. Some might say these differences are dependent on the region or religion. The author would argue that it is dependent on families or even individuals. But surely, general tendencies can be identified in different regions and religions of the world. While ancestor worship might have some religious aspects at its’ core, one cannot argue, that it is not also a socially and culturally influenced belief system. There might be people that still visit their parents’ graves, even though they are not religious or don’t believe in a higher power. Likewise, there might be some that identify as very religious, and still do not venerate their ancestors.

As we can make out, the topic of ancestor veneration is a vast one. It can be viewed and researched from different perspectives such as religion, region, and even culture, linguistics and politics. All these perspectives have their own value and validity. For the purpose of this thesis, the author would like to look at ancestor worship in Japan from various perspectives.

Research published by Aaron O'Neill in 2022 shows that the Japanese understanding of religion varies significantly to that of the West. This results in percentages of 69% Shintö, 66% Buddhism, 1.5% Christianity and 6.2% others.² As we can see by these figures, most Japanese do not adhere to one religion exclusively. Rather, the majority practices Shintö and Buddhism at the same time, depending on the occasion, the holiday, and/or other factors. The reasons for such an understanding of religion lies in the fact that the Japanese, for the most part, believe in Polytheism, since there is a myriad of kami in Shintö and multiple Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in Buddhism. But also, an entwinement of Shintö and Buddhist beliefs could be reason, which we will pick up in chapter 2.3.

The state “religion” of Japan is Shintö, with the emperor as the high priest of all governmental ceremonies. The author puts religion in quotations, since the religious character of Shintö is challenged by the government, due to the fact that a religious state would elicit constitutional problems, which will be further explained in chapter 4.1. This also causes discrepancies between state and people and lead to divisions into further sects within Shintö belief, but this is out of the scope of this work.³ To further specify the topic of this thesis the author decided to focus on the ancestor worship within the imperial family of Japan. Especially the ritual and ceremonial aspects as well as political significance construct the main body ofthis work.

1.1) Context and Relevance ofTopic

The revelation for the focus of this work came during the yearlong enthronement ceremonies of emperor Naruhito in 2019. As the biggest ceremonial event of the Japanese state, this time again, there was great importance attached to the ritual side of the enthronement ceremonies. Divergent to the enthronement ceremonies of the nearer history was the fact that emperor emeritus Akihito did abdicate his title as Tennö to his son. There were Tennö in the history ofJapan that abdicated⁴, but it would be a stretch to say it was the norm. Usually, Tennö would reign until their deaths, which put — the funeral rites and the enthronement rites closely together. Within the enthronement rites there are various ceremonies dedicated to the worship of the imperial ancestors. While this time there was no need to hold funeral rites, it cannot be denied that funeral rites and ancestor veneration rites are intertwined with each other and cannot be strictly separated. Although chapter 4.1 is dedicated to the burial rites of emperors, this work focuses mainly on the ancestor veneration rites rather than the burial rites.

The recent enthronement of emperor Naruhito opened a new window into the, allegedly ancient, world of imperial ancestor worship ceremonies. This also entails that there is not much research on this event and its implications yet. With this thesis the author strives to exemplify the role of ancestor worship within the Japanese imperial family, the importance of rites regarding ancestor veneration within the enthronement ceremonies as well as reveal political consequences, methodologies and reasonings.

1.2) Research Questions

Since the topic of ancestor worship in Japan is rather vast and can be regarded from many different perspectives, the author devised some research questions to guide through this thesis. These research questions are designed to highlight ancestor worship from the many perspectives, usually one at a time. Their answers are given throughout this work as clearly as possible.

These are the research questions:

RQ#1: What role does the Ie -System play in the veneration of ancestor in Japan?
RQ#2: How did the syncretism of Shinto and Buddhism beliefs regarding ancestor worship come to be?
RQ#3: What are the differences in imperial ancestor rites between 1901 and now?
RQ#4: Did imperial ancestor veneration increase after the Meiji Restoration and, if so, to what extent?
RQ#5: Is Japanese ancestor worship and its rites ‘tradition’ or rather ‘invented tradition’?

1.3) Current State of Research

Western research on ancestor worship in Japan goes as far back as 1906 (and maybe even further) with W.G. Aston’s “Ancestor Worship in Japan” published by the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in their journal called “Man”. The research on Shintö and Buddhism goes even further than that. But the research with regard to the different aspects of ancestor reverence and especially of the veneration and ceremonies ofthe imperial family is limited. At this point, the author would like to point out the research of Brigitte Pickl-Koleczia and her unpublished master’s thesis carrying the title „Die ,Bunkyü- Restauration’. Die Wiederherstellung der kaiserlichen Grabmäler und der Bunkyü-Ära (1861 - 1864) als Baustein der Meiji- Restauration.“ from 2015, out, as well as her paper titled “The Bunkyü Restoration: The Restoration of Imperial Tombs and Re-Design of Imperial Ancestor Worship” published in the Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies in 2017. Pickl-Koleczia’s research complemented many aspects of this research project and delivered valuable insights.

To answer the research questions, the author based her research on the works of many more Japanese and Wester scholars in their respective areas of expertise and knowledge. These include, but are not limited to, Yanagita Kunio and Robert Smith’s early research on ancestor worship, Karl Florenz and Helen Hardacres achievements and works on Shintö and ancestor worship related Shintö practices as well as Andrew Bernstein and Jan-Martin Berentsen’s detailed descriptions on Buddhism and its mortuary and ancestor veneration rites. In the realms of imperial mausolea the research and literature of Toike Noboru and Ueada Hisao gave deep insides and information from a native perspective. Regarding the enthronement ceremonies of 2019, broadcasted news video materials as well as the official ceremonial calendar from the Imperial Household Agency (Kunaicho) was taken as main sources. Lastly, Klaus Antoni’s insights on the many aspects of this thesis with his works and research in invented traditions, imperial funerary rites, Jimmu Tennö veneration and many more were indispensable for this research project.

Due to Covid19-related restrictions and at times limited access to libraries and specific literature, some relevant titles could not be considered for this research project. These include Richard A.B. Ponsonby-Fane’s work with the title “The imperial house in Japan” from 1959, Sato Hiroo’s (ft>3A^) “Shisha noyukue” (Rn©^<A)from 2008, Toike Noboru’s (R^ #) “Bunkyu no shuryo no hottan o meguru gensetsu ni tsuite” (ZX© OO^fc^CSg^lco^t) from 2002 and Ueda, Hisao’s ( LHL^) “Bakumatsu ishinki no ryobo to shakai” (^^f^^©IWM^7i^) from 2012.

1.4) Methodology and Chapter Composition

This research project was conducted using the deductive methods of qualitative research, literature review of existing works on the following various topics accumulated in this thesis as well as hermeneutic research. All accessible literature in regard to ancestor worship, imperial family, historic and archeological research on imperial mausolea as well as political implications, family state system, syncretism of religions and more were reviewed and ifviable, implemented into this thesis.

As mentioned before these different topics are reviewed and researched from different topics. For the sake of clarity and ease of reading, the respective perspectives of each chapter will be stated in the preface of the respective chapter. The specific perspectives used in this work are:

a) political perspective,
b) social perspective,
c) religious/ cultural perspective and
d) historic perspective.

At one point there will be a short excursion into the e) linguistic perspective of ancestor worship, which will also be clearly mentioned.

This thesis is divided into six chapter, each with their own individual count of subchapters. After the introduction of the topic, research questions and methodology in chapter one, chapters two focus on introductory research on development and evolution of ancestor worship in Japan, the Japanese family system (le-System), ancestor worship in Shinto and Buddhism as well as the deification and types of ancestors. Similar to chapter two, chapter three builds the second half of the introductory research, this time specifically on the development of ancestor worship within the imperial family, the emergence of imperial mausolea and the administration of these mausolea. Chapters four and five build the focus of this research project, with chapter four concentrating on the rites and ceremonies held at imperial gravesites, namely burial ceremonies and ancestor venerations in enthronement ceremonies. This is also where the author takes a look at the ceremonial calendar 2019 of the enthronement ceremony of emperor Naruhito and compares the annual ceremonial calendar to a ceremonial calendar from 1901. The political and ideological significance of ancestor reverence and the question of tradition versus invented tradition is concluded in chapter 5. Lastly, in chapter six, the author concludes this research project by accumulating the findings of her work briefly and points out, once more, the answers to the aforementioned research questions.

2) Ancestor Worship in Japan

There are many different schools of thought about the possibility of an afterlife. An investigation that was conducted by the Encyclopedia Britannica in the year 2010 found that seventy-six percent ofthe world's population adhered to one ofthe five major global religions (Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism and Judaism)⁵. There is a belief in the existence of a life after death in each of the five world faiths. This demonstrates that the majority of people in this world, regardless of the religion or culture to which they adhere and to which they belong, pay respect to and honor their ancestors in some fashion because they believe that their spirits or souls continue to exist even after they have passed away. In general, the love and respect that a person has for a person who has passed on is the source of venerations performed in their honor. Worship ofone's ancestors might have its origins in religious tradition, or it can develop for societal reasons. Numerous societies observe rituals of commemoration of their ancestors' passing on a regular basis in the hope that the spirits of their forebears may achieve or maintain harmony in the afterlife. Some people revere them in the belief that they may affect the fate of the living and have a beneficial effect on their life, while other people venerate them in the hopes that they can protect them from the wrath of the deities that they represent by preventing them from being punished. Some people are of the opinion that the departed continue to exist so long as their memories are kept alive.

The consideration shown to ancestors and the particular place that their reverence holds in the history of Japanese culture, religion, society, and even politics are all examples of its importance. This intricate interweaving of many aspects of life and the manner in which Japanese people honor their ancestors is the result of a variety of causes and events that contributed to its development. The significance ofthe topic is made clear by the several national holidays that are observed on an annual basis to honor the lives of those who have passed away, as well as by the display of ancestral shelves and tablets in the majority ofJapanese households.

In spite of the fact that some people refer to Shinto as the religion of ancestor worship and the reasons for its significance, the vast majority of funerary ceremonies are conducted in a manner that has its origin in Buddhism. And despite the fact that this is the case, not all of those who engage in these rituals are adherents of the Buddhist faith. (Bernstein 2006:21) Although the majority of Japanese do not consider themselves to be religious or to be members of any particular belief system, they do take part in a variety of religious ceremonies and customs on a regular basis. This phenomenon includes a number of rituals, most notably Buddhist funerary rituals and acts of respect for ancestors. (Bernstein 2006:21) It is important to note that the veneration of ancestors is not particularly defined as Buddhist or Shinto. Rather, it appears that in the long history of worshiping ancestors in Japan there was an syncretism of both Shinto and Buddhist rites specific this topic.

This chapter has its primary focus on questions one and two of the study proposal: what part does the Japanese family system (ie -system) play in the practice of ancestor worship, and how did this syncretism of Buddhist and Shinto rites regarding ancestor worship come about?

2.1) Definition and Evolution

There are two categories of ancestors in general. Those who are immediate relatives in one's ascending line of descent, and those who are regarded as the head or founder of a group to which one belongs. This means that forefathers from the same lineage, as well as leaders of any type who are not ancestors of the same lineage but are acknowledged as the head or founder of a group or society, can be honored as ancestors. (Yanagita 1970: 23, Morioka 1977: 194) To give an example of how to interpret this notion, Morioka categorizes ancestors into two categories: family ancestors and state ancestors. Family ancestors, according to him, are the founders of the home to which someone belongs. Furthermore, the most important ancestors who are remembered by their surviving descendants are revered as a collective that represents all prior ancestors. The remarkable men and women who founded and/or led the nation in previous generations are known as state ancestors or national ancestors. Similar to family ancestors, Morioka claims that state ancestors represent all national ancestors who have done great things for the country, including emperors and empresses as well as national heroes such as Yamato Takeru no Mikoto[6] and Fujiwara no Kamatari[7]. (Morioka 1977: 194)

The ritualized reverence of departed ancestors is known as ancestor veneration or ancestor worship. (Pfalzner 2001, p. 390.) Whether it is the veneration of family ancestors or state ancestors, veneration is the fundamental notion that binds a group of persons, in this example the family or the nation, who are dependent on the revered ancestor. (Morioka 1977, p. 194) On particular periods during the year or on the anniversary ofthe ancestor's death, these ceremonies may be performed. These sorts of adoration can be regarded from two different perspectives. The living descendant is dependent on the ancestor's goodwill, while the ancestor's spirit is not dependent on the dedication of their current descendant. Because the devotion of the living has no effect on the ancestors, they are being deified and considered as strong god-like beings in this situation.

The living owe the ancestors spirits devotion in exchange for the ancestor's position as guardian of the living. In this instance, the ancestor is also dependent on their descendant and their venerations since a deceased soul cannot become an ancestor without their reverence. (Streck 2000, p. 17) From this perspective, according to Fleur Woss, the spirits of the ancestors are venerated but not deified. It is comparable to how elderly people are honored when they are living. The funeral cult is separate from ancestor worship. (Woss 1993, p. 134) The funeral cult is regarded as the one-time transit of the dead soul from this world to the hereafter, whereas the worship of the ancestors via regular rites and ceremonies is primarily a way for the living to maintain a relationship with their deceased relatives. (Pfalzner 2001, p. 390 and p. 398) This demonstrates that the idea of ancestor veneration is not well-defined. Rather, several views and perspectives exist on the topic.

Love and esteem for a departed individual motivate ancestor veneration. There is a belief that the spirit of an ancestor exerts influence over family members. It has the ability to protect individuals from misfortune and danger as well as punish them ifthey fail to fulfill their community's obligations (Gustafsson 1992, p. 18). Spirits are believed to be angered by their new surroundings (after death) and seek to exact revenge on the living or take one ofthe living with them (Gustafsson 1992, p. 33). Bernhard Streck (born 1945) describes the ancestor's function as arbitrarily authoritative. They are accountable for the misery, sickness, and suffering of their live offspring. (Streck 2000, p.17)

In most civilizations, the notion that humans are derived from God(s) is pervasive. This notion is associated with the concept of deifying the ancestors. More time passes after their death, the more they lose their identity and merge with all their lost predecessors, becoming part ofthe "Gods" or worshiped as such. (Gustafsson 1992, p. 18 and Streck 2000, p. 17) There are theological reasons for respecting the deceased, as well as socio-economic and socio-ecological reasons, such as filial piety and inheritance law. Filial piety is the Confucian concept of loving, honoring, and assisting one's parents, ancestors, and elderly, which is also seen in Buddhism and Taoism. Ancestor worship reinforces filial piety by giving a moral compass and a sense of community, group, or family solidarity.⁶ (Streck 2000, p.19 and Pfalzner 2001, p. 398)

Before the Tokugawa period, the custom of placing gravestones for individual family members, an act that denotes the longevity of a patriline, was for the most part restricted to nobility. However, in the seventeenth century and onwards, the practice of recording family histories in stone began to spread to commoners. Prior to this time, commoners typically did not erect permanent markers, and when they did, the marker would be used communally, within the whole village for example, and not as gravestones of individuals. (Bernstein 2006:39) Bernstein describes: “These new gravestones prominently displayed family names and individual posthumous titles, a change that represented the intensification of patrilineal consciousness and ancestor reverence among the population at large”. (Bernstein 2006:39)

By the end of the Tokugawa period, Buddhist mortuary practices had become firmly established as means to not only save souls and create sacred remains, but also to compete for worldly status. This was possible not only through custom but also through law. Because the ruling families of Japan have used funerary rites since ancient times to both reinforce their standing as legitimate rulers and reorder the power dynamics within their own ranks. (Bernstein 2006:39) The notion to use ancestor worship for political goals occurred significantly during the Meiji period with Nobushige Hozumi as a prominent advocate. (Bernstein 2006:12)

In Japan, ancestor worship's religious nature has been a topic of debate for decades. Various viewpoints exist about this issue, of course. In 1939, the Declaration of Propaganda Fide from the Congregation of Evangelization said,"[...] the reverence of ancestors has no theological significance." (Kunii 2004:119), allowing even Japanese Christians to engage in ancestor worship rites without believing in Shintö kami or Buddha. (Kunii 2004:119) Even though the church made this claim, ancestor worship remains an example of a belief system that cannot be completely detached from religion.

The nomenclature for ancestors began to evolve about 1600. Sosen was increasingly utilized to describe ancestors. Especially in Confucian academic circles between 1868 and 1912 (during the time of nationalism), sosen became quite popular. Sosen was composed of the same two Kanji as senzo, although in a different sequence. Consequently, ancestor worship became increasingly divorced from a reciprocal interaction between the living and the dead. Finally, between 1900 and 1945, when Hozumi Yatsuka (1860-1912) created ancestor worship as an ideological tool within the state, sosen adopted the subtlety of absolute power without allowing for a reciprocal relationship. With this development, ancestor worship became the most important instrument ofthe family state ideology (State Shintö) implemented during the Meiji period (Wöss 1993:136), "[...] linking Japaneseness to the family" (Matthews 2011:371), placing the Tennö as father ofthe nation, thus accepting the former Tennö as national ancestors and expecting all Japanese to venerate these national ancestors alongside everyone's individual. More on the family state is discussed in chapter 2.2.

In conclusion, ancestor worship, with the nuance of absolute power, not only aroused a sense of togetherness among the Japanese people, but also elevated the Tennö, with Amaterasu as the supreme ancestor, to the top ofthe country, so establishing his legitimacy as emperor. This development demonstrates that the public worship of previous Tennö and ancestors is an established court ceremony, and not, as is commonly believed, an ancientJapanese custom. (Aston 1906:35)

2.2) The Japanese Ie -System and its’ Relevance in Ancestral Reverence

According to Robert Smith and Karl Florenz it is believed that in ancient times the Japanese society was divided into so called uji, which can be roughly translated as clans⁷. These clans consisted of a clan head (uji-no-kami), the members of the clan (uji-ko) and their tutelary deity (uji-gami). The head ofthe clan was responsible of “[...] maintaining the territorial boundaries and protecting the group’s members” while “[...] the [tutelary] deity was the protector of the land and all the people of the uji” (Smith 1974: 8, Florenz 1925:303). These tutelary deities, while regarded as forebears especially in the cases ofthe tutelary deities ofthe aristocratic families, where in most cases kami ofthe nature ratherthan actual deified human ancestors. At this point, the author would like to distinguish the tutelary deities called the uji-gami from the local deities called the ubusuna-gami. Literally translated as the ‘god of the natal sand’, in other word the god of the birthplace, the ubusuna-gami protected the people of that village or region. Later on, both kami were addressed as uji-gami only, though with the expansion and moving ofthe clans, the uji-gami also detached itself from location and was only the venerated ancestor ofthe clan, wherever it might sit. (Florenz 1925:303) Another interesting fact; it is not unseen that a clan would change its uji-gami ⁸, demonstrating once more that these tutelary deities were not actual ancestors. (Florenz 1925:301)

There are a few theories as to when the ie system started to evolve. One of these is described in Piggott’s work “The Emergence of Japanese Kingship” from 1997. In his book he refers to Yoshida Takashi (1976) who believes that during the time of the ritsuryo state, the uji were separated into distinct lineages (ie) and thus the individuals’ services and loyalty towards tennö became more important than that ofthe clan heads of the extended families of the uji. (Piggott 1997:183) Yoshida uses the development of the court rank and post system (i’kai) during the reign of Suiko tenno as starting point ofthe ie system. (Piggott 1997:183)

The present-day version of family registration called koseki was introduced during the Meiji period in 1872. (Chapman 2008: 425) The koseki enables the state to acquire full personal information (gender, date and place of birth, details of one’s parents, siblings, records of divorce and marriage) from a household of maximum two generations and all their members. In edition there is the residence card system (juminhyo). The juminhyo requires every member of society to register a place of residence, separately from the koseki. Yoshio Sugimoto claims that “behind the twin institutions ofthe family registration system and the residence card system lies the ideology of ie.” He says that ie, which literally can be translated as household or family, “represents a quasi-kinship unit with a patriarchal head and members tied to him through real or symbolic blood relationship.” (Sugimoto 1997: 137) According to Bernstein the concept of the ie system as we know it today was first created during the Tokugawa period by which he contradicts Yoshida’s belief, that the starting point dates back to the ritsuryo state. With the help of government policies and social power games in the Tokugawa period, families of distant relatives were grouped into patrilines where especially blood relations but also adoptions sustained the lineage from the same ancestor. While at that time the registration of such an ie was performed through the association to a specific Buddhist temple, the Shogunat used this tool to keep track of the different patrilines. (Bernstein 2006:13) These patrilines and their registrations with specific Buddhist temple where initially designated to the aristocracy and the samurai. Butjust as how most policies and customs develop, eventually commoners were required to do the same. (Bernstein 2006:22) To specify the date of the emergence of the ie system further, Lockowandt, believes the ie system was established at the turn of the century (Lokowandt 1997:137), thus falling towards the end ofthe Meiji period.⁹

After the demise of the head of the ie (ienushi), by law, the oldest son inherited his position and with it all assets of the family, privileges as well as some specific duties towards the older members of the ie and the past ancestors. (Bernstein 2006:7, Sugimoto 1997: 138) In fact, burial rites and ancestor worship work hand in hand with the ie system. While the matter of the burial ground and family tombs are more on the logistical side of things, the author would like to point out the duty of daily rituals towards the common ancestors by the ienushi. There are two types of daily offerings to the family ancestors of a household, the first type and its ritual of prayer is performed by the male family head. For the second type, the wife or mother of the household head will deliver daily offerings at the butsudan, either every morning and evening or only in the morning. (Berentsen 1985: 35)

Another important aspect ofthe ie system is its’ views on the imperial household, the tennö and his role in the concept of a family state also called familism (Kazoku-shugi). The family state dictates that the people of Japan are a single big family, with the tennö as head of the family taking up the father role and Amateratu Ömikami as the divine ancestor of all. The belief that Amaterasu is the forebear of the imperial family, and some aristocratic families, dates back to ancient times, but since the Edo period she is also seen as the forebear of all Japanese. (Antoni 1991a:66; Lokowandt 1997:137) According to Antoni, this notion was not only seen metaphorically, but in some cases understood as a genetic fact. (Antoni 2002: 273) To enforce this notion of family state, schoolbooks from 1911 onwards focused on the message, that filial piety towards one’s own parents and ancestors as well as loyalty towards the tennö and state are the highest virtues every Japanese should strive towards. (Wachutka and Takii 2016:111) While the tennö lies in the center ofthe ie system, its roots are connected to the private and public virtues described in Confucianism. With the increasing regard towards loyalty and filial piety during the Tokugawa regime, the ie system was established during the Meiji period, in a complex process of accumulating new and old beliefs in itself. (Lokowandt 1997:137)

While the ie system changed over the years, it cannot be denied that it still plays a significant role in people’s family lives. This can be observed with the continued use of household nameplates (hyösatsu) on many houses. (Sugimoto 1997: 142) Especially on ceremonial occasions such as funerals the genealogy of one’s family is highlighted. These showcase that the ie system and the understanding of extended families still play an important role within the Japanese family culture. We can observe that if someone dies, the body is taken back to the family home, where all the relevant funerary rites are conducted before the body is taken to a crematorium and then the ashes are buried at the family tomb. (Sugimoto 1997: 164)

2.3) Ancestor Worship in Shinto and Buddhism

Shintös common acknowledgment as the indigenous religion ofthe Japanese and its characterization by some scholars as the religion of ancestor worship has been propagated under official endorsement, but is, as Florenz would say, “wholly baseless in the light of historical and still perceptible facts”. (Florenz 1925:296) Shintö does not record any burial rituals prior to 1868, nor does it record any ancestor cults in ancient times, despite being the indigenous religion of Japan and a religion associated with ancestor worship. The Shintö kami that people venerated were not deified humans; rather, they were nature and animal spirits (Aston 1906: 35-36). It goes to show that, compared to veneration of nature deities, ancestor worship plays a minor role in Shintö. (Florenz 1925:296) The knowledge about ancestor worship and funerary rites in ancient Japan comes mainly from the oldest records, the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, which were both commissioned by the imperial court, thus being created with a biased viewpoint and a specific aim: the legitimization of the imperial family and with it the establishment of a state governed by the court. (Bernstein 2006:22) In the course of historical development, most notably during the Meiji period, a greater emphasis has been placed on Amaterasu's beneficence to nature and humanity for the above mentioned political rather than religious reasons, to the point where, in modern Shinto, the goddess has been completely stripped of her nature deity status and is now regarded as an imperial ancestress only. In accordance were certain deities elevated to the status of aristocratic kami through the ancestor cult practices that primarily served the highest ruling stratum than the general public. (Florenz 1925:297)

The first written references to ancestor date back to the eighth century and use the Japanese word senzo (Wöss 1993: 135-138). The Nihongi mentions two incidents of the adoration of recently departed parents of emperors in 679 and 681 C.E. (Florenz 1925: 296), but they lacked any religious qualities and there were no shrines established in their names, proving that the deification offorebears did not occur prior to this time (Aston 1906: 35-36, Bernstein 2006: 22). It should also be mentioned that by this time the reform movement according to the Chinese model was already at its height, suggesting that even these first documentations might have been under Chinese influence. (Florenz 1925: 296) Buddhism became the carrier of ancestor worship in Japan by adapting to the country's ancestral ceremonies once it was formally introduced to Japan in 552 (Woss 1993: 131) by King Paekche from Korea that gifted the imperial court a statue of Shakyamuni and some Buddhist scriptures. With the advocacy of the Soga clan, Buddhist practices were introduced into the ceremonies of the imperial court, even though some clans, like the Yamato¹⁰, were against it. (Bernstein 2006:22) By 850, life after death was primarily conceived of in Buddhist rather than Shinto terms (Mathews 2011: 365), and the Japanese aristocracy performed and commissioned Buddhist rites for their departed family members (Mathews 2019:44). Buddhist rites, especially in regard to funerals, became so popular because people believed that the body that was defiled through death¹¹ would be purified through cremation and become eternal objects ofworship. Another reason for the great acceptance of Buddhism was the fact that Shinto was not a belief system that was based on specific documented teachings but rather an accumulation of beliefs regarding the kami of nature. Since there were also no explicate descriptions and models ofthe afterlife, Buddhism with its elaborate teachings regarding life after death filled the gap that existed in the minds of the people. To keep their power and even increase it, the Yamato clan accepted the adoption of Buddhism, next to various other tools from the mainland. (Bernstein 2006:22)

According to the Nihon Shoki the first Obon festival in Japan was held in 606 C.E.¹² Adopted from China, the Obon, or as it is called there, the Ghost Festival, was the fusion of Chinese ancestor worship, Confucian filial piety as well as Buddhist believes ofthe afterlife. Filial piety is the devotion one has towards their parents while they are alive, during their death and after. This devotion is mainly exhibited in service. Serving them during their lives, observing their funeral and the relevant rites as well as serving them prayers and offerings after their death. The reason for the celebration of the

Ghost Festival, however, goes back to the belief that the spirits of the dead are suffering in the afterlife. This belief is an interpretation of the fact that there are many underworlds described in the Buddhist doctrines, that exist to punish the dead souls. (Bernstein 2006:23) Since the teachings of Buddhism regarding the afterlife are a great topic by itself and not in the scope of this research project, the author refrains to explicate the details in this work.¹³ Coming back to the Japanese, they did not venerate their ancestors solely for reasons of filial loyalty, rather, as Bernstein puts it, for “defensive measures against tatari - the retribution from the spirit realm”. (Bernstein 2006:25)

In Buddhist thought, the afterlife was a distinct region known as the Pure Land. People thought that after death, they would be reunited with their loved ones in the domain of the Pure Land. In Shintö, it was regarded that the spirits ofthe ancestors resided on neighboring mountains, although the location ofthe ancestors was not very significant (Mathews 2011: 366). The most essential belief was that the deceased continued to communicate with their living family and loved ones. This link to the deceased was to be maintained by honoring the ancestors of the family with reverence and affection. Accordingly, traditional ancestor worship resulted from a person's devotion to their family. (Mathews 2011: 366-368) Early on, Confucianism and Buddhism supplied the Japanese, even Shintö adherents, with morally ordered life principles and laws. (Florenz 1925:340)

The amalgamation of Buddhism with Shintö since the beginning ofthe ninth century in the form of Ryöbu Shintö has a place in the discussion of Buddhism, as the Buddhist element in Ryöbu Shintö entirely eclipses the Shintö element. (Florenz 1925:338) The main belief that defined Ryöbu Shintö was that Japanese kami were accepted as local manifestations of Buddhas. If even the emperors, the high priests of Shintö, adopted the Buddhist religion, and since the eighth century frequently abdicated after a short reign and became monks¹⁴, called themselves "servants of the Buddha," spoke of "obedience ofthe kami to the Buddha," and finally, after death, had themselves burned according to Buddhist rites, it is not surprising that the ceremonial of Shintö festivals at court fell into disrepair and was delegated to subordinates. From the middle of the 15th century to the end of the 17th century, even the most important Shinto festival, the Daijosai, the great celebration of the rice harvest festival after the ascension to the throne, was neglected. (Florenz 1925:339) Wa-Rongo, a collection of so-called Shinto oracles composed at the end ofthe 12th century, demonstrates that the Ryobu Shinto attained a surprisingly high degree of moral culture precisely by borrowing from foreign religions. Within these oracles, the purity of one’s heart is repeated multiple times and parents are claimed to be, making filial piety more important than prayers to the kami. (Florenz 1925:340)

During the Meiji Restoration, when Nativists tried to rid the nation of Buddhism influences, it became clear that these ‘foreign teachings’ had already become an indispensable part of people’s lives and deaths. (Bernstein 2006:15)

In Japan, ancestor worship's religious nature has been a topic of debate for decades. Various viewpoints exist about this issue, of course. In 1939, the Declaration of Propaganda Fide from the Congregation of Evangelization decided that the reverence of ancestors has no theological significance in the eyes of the church, allowing even Japanese Christians to engage in ancestor worship rites without believing in Shintoism or Buddhism. (Kunii 2004: 119) Even though the church made this claim, ancestor worship remains an example of a belief system that cannot be completely detached from religion. The following chapter will disclose why this is the case.

2.4) Deification ofthe Dead and Types ofAncestor Worship

The deification of ancestors or the deified reverence of former emperors cannot be found in the oldest records of Japan, except one. The Nihongi discloses only one incident, where such reverence is recorded, namely the on the 11th day ofthe 5th month of 681 A.D: “Worship was paid to the august spirit ofthe Emperor’s grandfather.” (Aston 1956: 351) which indicates that the reverence of deceased emperors might have been a private matter, rather than state affair. This changed between the 8th and 9th century when the influence from the mainland lead to more refined religious concepts, especially within the Japanese elite. (Florenz 1925: 298-299)

Much later, through a decree by Meiji Tennö, the honor of deification with dedication of individual shrines has been given to over twenty commendable men of old and new times. He himself was attributed divinity from 1915 onwards. This deification of especially meritorious men also became the virtuous goal for the public, using Shintö as leverage, not only for religious purposes but political ambitions ofthe imperial throne. (Florenz 1925: 302-303)

The way to achieve kamihood in Shintö is vague. In his work Shintö, Aston describes the deification process as the following: “If we accept the definition of a God as a sentient being possessed of superhuman power, it follows that the idea of God may be arrived at in two ways. We may ascribe sense to those superhuman elemental powers of whose action we are daily witnesses, or we may reverse this process and endow sentient beings, especially men, with powers which they do not actually possess. In other words, the idea of God may be arrived at either by personification or by deification. [...] To become a deity of any consequence, the man-God must make rain, avert floods, control the seasons, send and stay plagues, wield thunderbolts, ride upon the storm, or even act as Creator of the world. When the practice of deifying men was once established it was enough to entitle them Gods, the term itself implying the possession ofthose powers which we call supernatural, but which are only so when predicated of men.” (Aston 1905:10, 38) According to this, the regard of once human deities was not questioned after the concept of human deification had established in Japan. While the reverence of deceased emperors was standardized during the establishment of the Engishiki in the tenth century, they received offerings in the same manner as the nature kami did. Even then, in none of the 27 official norito prayers, that are listed in the Engishiki, are prayers towards the deified imperial ancestors, nor were their tombs managed by the department of Shintö, showcasing that there was worship of the ancestors, but no deification in the sense of Shintö. Even though there are no norito prayers to the (deified) emperors, according to Aston, there were prayers addressed to them as early as the ninth century resulting in emperors like Öjin and Jingo to became valuable kami. Nonetheless, in the Kojiki as well as the Nihongi they are regarded as human only. (Aston 1905: 42-43)

In Japan, it is widely regarded as true that a person's soul undergoes a process of metamorphosis after death in order to attain a state of ancestorhood, kamihood, or Buddhahood. In general, ancestors are revered by their descendants due to their supernatural abilities, placing them on par with kami. Both kami and the ancestors are thought to have the same protective or punishing powers and to serve the same purpose for the living, yet they are worshiped differently. (Berentsen 1985: 88) In addition to being viewed as the genesis of humanity (tutelary kami), kami are also viewed as the final destination of a soul after death. (Berentsen 1985: 89) For the process of soul development to take place especially in Buddhism, special memorial ceremonies must be completed for the departed. Jan-Martin Berentsen distinguishes between rituals for an individual soul, which are performed just once, and rites for the collective ancestors, which must be performed regularly. The last ceremony for an individual’s soul is known as tomuraiage, and it is normally performed on the 33rd or 50th anniversary of his or her death. (Berentsen 1985: 87) It is thought that without these ceremonies, a soul cannot evolve into an ancestor. This maturity can be determined by performing tomuraiage, in which the tablet of the deceased is transported from the butsudan to the shrine ofthe family's tutelary kami. Alternately, it may be recognized by removing the posthumous name from the tablet and transferring it from the butsudan to the kamidana. (Berentsen 1985: 89) Since there is no clear distinction between souls that have attained maturity and souls that have not yet reached maturity, the authors choice of words, that maturity may be defined in either of these ways, is purposeful. (Berentsen 1985: 91-92) Also, regardless of whether it is a Shinto memorial or a Buddhist memorial, every soul of a deceased person is referred to as "hotoke" by the 49th day following their death, exactly like Buddha, although the notion ofthe dead and Buddha are distinct. (Berentsen 1985: 90-91) In this distinction between 'hotoke' for the ancestor soul and 'Hotoke' for Buddha, the ancestor soul, while more personal and significant to the worshipper, is ranked below 'Hotoke'. Although there is a distinction between 'hotoke' and 'Hotoke,' it appears to be so minute or the differentiation so subtle, that few people are aware of it or can explain it. (Berentsen 1985: 91)

Robert J. Smith considers the ease of deification or the "continuity between human and divinity" to be one of, if not, the most significant aspect of Japanese religions. (Smith 1974:11) This suggests that Japanese religions consider kami, Buddha, and ancestral spirits to be on an equal footing. (Berentsen 1985: 93-94) In this way, the so- called continuity between human and divinity establishes a framework specific to ancestor worship, within which the ancestor rituals must be understood. (Berentsen 1985: 92) Robert N. Bellah describes the Japanese conception of divinity in relation to humanity as follows: “He [mankind] is microcosm of which divinity and nature are the macrocosms” to which Berentsen adds, that the relationship between human-divine is essentially one of continuity and fundamental oneness and that the divine is not conceived as separate from the world of man. (Berentsen 1985: 94)

Despite the fact that this quotation makes it appear as though human, nature, and God are one, there are still variances between the many religions.

In Shintö, the kami may be divided into two major categories: those related with ancestor worship (tutelary kami) and those associated with nature worship (e.g., nature kami, mountain kami). (Berentsen 1985: 94) Considering Amaterasu Omikami, however, it is evident that these groups of kami can be connected, as Amaterasu is both the sun's nature kami and the tutelary goddess of the Imperial Household. In addition, there is no obvious separation between kami and (dead) human souls, as all are considered to be part ofthe cosmic unity. (Berentsen 1985: 95)

Berentsen puts Mencius' notion that “the mind within man is in its’ true form identical with essential nature” in terms of Confucianism as follows: “the whole Confucian practice of moral self-cultivation [...] is to be seen as [...] the attempt to attain unity with the universe through moral action.” (Berentsen 1985: 98)

All religious beliefs in Japan appear to have as their central tenet the concept of cosmic oneness. According to the Confucian philosopher Nakae Töju (1608 - 1648), “Man is heaven in miniature: Heaven is man magnified.” (Berentsen 1985: 99) Even the Oracle of Ube Daimyojin declares: “The heart of man is the abode of God; think not that God is something distant. He that is honest, is himself a God (kami) and if merciful, he himself is a Buddha (hotoke). Know that man in his essence is one & the same with God & Buddha” (Berentsen 1985: 99), which includes Shintö beliefs. To refresh your recollection, it was mentioned in chapter 2.1 that ancestor worship is not considered religious by the church. However, Berentsen's observations and reasoning give a clear picture of the religiosity of ancestor worship in Japan. If we deny the religious nature of ancestor worship, we deny the maturation process a soul undergoes to become an ancestor, kami, or Buddha, all of whom are viewed as religious figures. We also reject the utmost significance of the continuity between human and divine, which, as the author has demonstrated, is the foundation of ancestor worship independent of one's affiliation with a Japanese religion. (Berentsen 1985: 99, Florenz 1925: 297) In the end, one might always argue one way or the other, but in the authors view, the religious components of ancestor worship cannot be disregarded, despite the societal ramifications.

Even though there are some traces of ancestral reverence of deceased emperors in the ancient times, it was by far not as prevalent, even neglected, until the Meiji Restoration. “Concurrent with the enhancement ofthe political prestige ofthe Crown [after the Tokugawa regime] there has been a strong tendency in the present reign [Meiji] to increase the respect paid to the Imperial House, so that it now amounts to something like religious worship”, describes Aston the climate towards the end of Meiji Tennos reign. (Aston 1905: 43)

3) Imperial Ancestor Worship and the Imperial Mausolea

Imperial ancestor worship is in some ways similar to the general worship of ancestors but there are also distinct differences when it comes to the veneration of former emperors in particular. While deceased relatives become ancestors (and some even deities) through prayers and rituals, a decree from the 7th century as well as parts of the Manyöshü describes the reigning emperor of the time as aki-tsu-kami or ara-hito- gami. Both terms describe a visible, anthropomorphized god. (Florenz 1925:298)

As we know today, the ancestor worship of the imperial household is officially performed in Shintö practices. But the imperial household was, for a long time, believers in the Buddhist faith and ideas of the afterlife. Even though the monarchy officially distanced itself from Buddhism during the Meiji Restoration, the truth was much more complex than simply switching faiths. Regardless of what the deceased imperial member personally believed in, official funeral ceremonies and worship rituals would be held Shintö-style, without fail, but this was not always the case behind closed doors. An example of this was the funeral of prince Akira, who died in 1898. As a Buddhist priest himself, he and his family wished for his official funeral to be held in a Buddhist fashion, a wish that was denied by the Imperial Household Agency, arguing it would result in further chaos for future generations. After much consideration from both sides, the compromise was made to hold the official ceremony according to Shintö beliefand a private Buddhist ceremony afterward. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 220-221)

When the worship of ancestors signified a religious meaning for the whole nation, meaning the ancestor that was venerated was a ‘national ancestor’, it would be held according to Shintö practice. Generally, there were annually four dates, where ancestor worship was not only a matter of the imperial household with the emperor as high priest but the matter of the nation: the anniversary of Jimmu Tennö’s death on April 3rd; the anniversary of the death of the latest Tennö of the time, the shunki-korei- sai and the shuki-korei-sai, worshiping all the former emperors during the spring equinox (March 22nd) and the autumn equinox (September 24th). (Florenz 1925:301)

Since this chapter is highly reliant on the historical data regarding the veneration ofthe imperial spirits as well as the emergence of imperial mausolea and their importance throughout history, the author is taking a historical perspective to analyze the differences in imperial ancestor worship before and after the Meiji Restoration.

3.1) Development ofAncestorWorship in the Imperial Household

As we established in chapter 2.2, the Japanese society in ancient times consisted of different clans (uji) and their members. Some academics believe that the Imperial Household was once an uji that especially obtained political power during Tenmu Tennö's reign by claiming Amaterasu Okami as its tutelary goddess. This argument was bolstered by the official enshrinement ofAmaterasu Okami at the Ise jingo as the guardian ofthe Imperial Household and all Japanese people by Temmu Tennö. These believes and developments demonstrate that the belief of a continuous imperial lineage to Amaterasu Okami must have existed before to the publishing of the Kojiki (712) and Nihon Shoki (720). (Smith 1974: 8-10) Therefore different uji were unified under the rule of an emperor who claimed to be directly descending of Amaterasu Okami. According to Ariga Kizaemon (1900 - 1979) the establishment ofthe concept of "ancestor of origin" and "lineal ancestors"- in which Amaterasu Okami represents the “ancestor of origin” and all emperors represent the “lineal ancestors” (see figure 1 below) - was a pivotal point in the use of ancestor worship as a political tool. (Smith 1974:8)

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

Figure 1: Ancestry of the imperial house.

Source: Smith, Robert J. (1974): Ancestor worship in Contemporary Japan, p. 9.

As during the Tokugawa reign the family concept, communities and Buddhism changed, new groups emerged and tried to influence people’s beliefs in various aspects of life. While some were more discrete in their goals and methods others were not. One rather radical group against the Buddhist, Chinese and overall foreign influences was the pro-Shintö nativist school, the Kokugaku, that strived to go back to a Japan free of foreign influences, that is emperor-centered and in harmonious communication with its’ native gods (kami). This entailed a purely Japanese belief and ritual system, that was - in theory - void of any foreign influence. The nativist school was established in the 18th century and had its’ peak in the 19th century with its’ scholars constructing an indigenous belief system from ancient imperial history dating as far back as the 8th century. This indigenous belief system was to replace the widely accepted combinatory belief system that had emerged, viewing the native kami as the local manifestations of universal Buddha and that was controlled by the Buddhist temples[17], since such a syncretism was not acceptable to the nativists. (Bernstein 2006:14-15)The center of this whole construct was the emperor and the imperial house, as the “[...] ritual formats were anchored by the imperial house, the ultimate this-worldly authority descended from, and in communication with, the otherworldly sun kami Amaterasu.” (Bernstein 2006:15) While the registration of all families during the time of the Tokugawa regime with designated Buddhist temples was an effort to enforce a status system (mibunsei) that would designate each person into a class, this also reinforced the legitimacy of the upper classes and of course the imperial household. (Bernstein 2006:34)

The veneration of the imperial ancestors is mainly held at the three shrines within the imperial palace: the Kashikodokoro (WfA), which enshrines a replica of the ancestral mirror that represents Amaterasu Omikami, the Koreiden (MM^), which enshrines all the souls ofthe former tennö, and the Shinden (W^), which enshrines different kami. (Lokowandt 2018: 170) While the Kashikodokoro is the only shrine that existed before the Meiji period, the Koreiden and the Shinden are establishments of the Meiji period (Lokowandt 2018: 171, Lokowandt 1978: 299) pinpointing another time, when imperial ancestor worship underwent significant change within Japanese history.

3.2) Emergence of Imperial Mausolea

The first imperial tombs as we know them today, can be traced back to the Yayoi period. The Yayoi period generally acts as a transitional time between the Jömon period, during which "Japan was inhabited by aboriginal populations [...]," and the Kofun period, which "was marked by the emergence of the early imperial ancestors and the beginning of the Japanese nation [...]." (Mizoguchi 2013: 22). The Yayoi period appears to have been the beginning of organized rice growing, according to archaeological evidence of rice agriculture from that time period. Some people have even tried to make a connection between the arrival of rice farming in Japan and the emergence of the imperial ancestors who are said to have brought rice agriculture to Japan. Rice farming is believed to have originated in the northern KOyshu region of Japan, and it is believed that it spread from KOyshu to the eastern part of the country in a manner comparable to the conquests of Japan's first emperor, Jimmu Tenno. However, considering that organized rice growing, and the use of tools had already begun before the appearance of keyhole-shaped royal tombs, this concept was quickly debunked. (Mizuguchi 2013: 22) It is difficult to determine how advanced of a civilization the people who lived during the Yayoi period were or whether the native Jomon or immigrant Yayoi played a more significant role in the establishment of the imperial predecessors and the first Yamato court in what is now the city of Nara. Ifthe beginning ofthe Kofun era is considered to be a period of state development and social complexity, then the latter phases of the Yayoi period must be considered to be the beginning ofthis process, and the Yayoi society must also be attributed with a degree of such social complexity. (Mizoguchi 2013: 22-23) It is generally agreed upon that the Kofun period started when keyhole-shaped tombs started to crop up all over the country, particularly in the Sannin, Okayama, and Kinki districts. However, during the Yayoi period, when square-shaped burial mounds were made, the practice of interring some individuals in large mounds had its start. After that, numerous shapes such as circular and keyhole-shaped mounds were constructed. (Mizoguchi 2013: 22-25) The vast majority of the gigantic mounds in the shape of keyholes are believed to be the final resting places of various monarchs from the past. As a consequence of this, the Kofun period, much like the Yayoi period, is regarded by many as a crucial beginning, in this instance, it represents the beginning of the establishment of the Japanese country with the arrival of the imperial ancestor who was sent by Amaterasu Okami to unify the land. (Mizoguchi 2013: 5) In addition to the distinctive design ofthe graves, there are keyhole-shaped tumuli that date back to the Yayoi period. During the Kofun period, these tumuli were used frequently, therefore certain characteristics were carried over. The employment of giant dugout timber coffins, the installation of a great number of bronze mirrors as burial goods, and the creation of a vast, "formalized" keyhole-shaped mound are the three aspects that make up this practice. (Mizoguchi 2013: 22-24)¹⁵¹⁶

Over the years, these tombs of former emperors wore down and fell to the tides. Since the Imperial Court had lost its political power during the Edo period, the lands of the imperial gravesites were used by the general population, either as farming grounds or as gravesites for their dead. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 209-210) Towards the end of the Tokugawa regime, when the nation was forced to open its’ ports to the world by Commodore Matthew Perry, the political sphere within the nation found itself at a crossroads. Different fractions were formed, one of those was the afore mentioned Nativist School, kokugaku. The emperor, who was denied any political power, and by this point was “disrespected” by the bakufu¹⁷, came back to the political focus within the country. In an effort to rebuild the relationship between the bakufu and the Imperial Court, and thus appease every political fraction, a plan was derived to rebuild the tennbryb, the Imperial Tombs, by the Utsunomiya domain¹⁸. This plan was accepted and financed by the bakufu with the official starting point of this project dating back to 1862. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 204-206) According to Brigitte Pickl-Kolaczia, this project was at the center of the redesigning of ancestor worship in Japan, that ultimately led to the Meiji Restoration in 1868. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 203) The central government of the Meiji period built shrines and mausoleums for imperial ancestors in order to convey a coherent, visually consistent message about the continuity of imperial lineage. As part of this initiative, the government erected markers at the resting places of all previous emperors. Some tombs that had not been identified before were also marked as imperial tombs, and the most prominent emperors were granted shrines in their names so that they may be deified in them. (Tseng 2018: 47) The merging of politics and ideology was the primary motivation behind the creation of such sites. People's faith and patriotism were awakened thanks to the long-standing nature ofthe country's imperial rule as well as the now-existent physical landmarks. (Tseng 2018: 48) The Meiji Restoration also brought changes to the Shinto belief. Until the decree of July 1871 none ofthe Shinto shrine were affiliated with the state. In July 1871 and later dates, the government council of state (dajokan) published many decrees that structured all Shinto shrines through a system of shrine tiers in the shape of a pyramid. Of course, the Ise shrines built the top of this system. In the end, this system connected the people’s belief to the Ise shrines and ultimately to the state and, as the head of state, to the emperor. Until 1945 all Shinto shrine were described as cultural sites of state. (Lokowandt 1997:131-134)

If the notion, that Shinto is the religion of ancestor worship was true, it would be assumable that most Shinto shrine from the ancient times until now, were established for exactly this purpose, to venerate the ancestors. But, if we look closely, of the documented 110 000 shrines in 1925, only 12 ofthe 122 official emperors and their empresses until Meiji Tenno were actually worshiped in national shrines. (Florenz 1925:298) While some mausolea already existed before (presumably as gravesites), most ofthem were elevated to a high rank during the Meiji period, attesting to the fact that the worship of former emperors is creation of the Meiji Restoration. (Florenz 1925:299)

3.3) Administration and Regulations of Imperial Mausolea

The management ofthe imperial mausolea dates all the way back to the Ritsuryo State, which flourished in the 7th century. There was a system called the sanryo seido (^IW $IJ®) that was designed specifically for the administration and rituals of imperial gravesites. Additionally, a government office called the shoryoshi (^^W) was established and commissioned with the management of these mausolea. Despite the fact that the Ritsuryo System was primarily a collection of rules and laws pertaining to crime and government administration, there was also a system tailored specifically towards the administration and rituals of imperial gravesites. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017:22, Kita 2010:62) According to Kita Yasuhiro, all mausolea from Jimmu onward were designated after the Nara period. In addition to this, he asserts that the earliest list of imperial mausolea is written in the Engishiki from 927, which partially dates back to the Ritsuryo State during the early Nara period. (Kita 2010:56, 60-61, Hardacre 2017: 35­36) The Ritsuryo laws required that the first and foremost duty ofthe shoryoshi was to enshrine the spirits of the former emperors and pray to them, that all mausolea of the deceased emperors were to be guarded, and that fences were to be built so that the general population was not allowed to enter. Also, each year there were a variety of rituals and ceremonies performed at these mausolea. The purpose of this was for the government to attempt to imbue certain places with a sense of sanctity. (Kita 2010: 70­72)

As mentioned in the chapter above, the administration ofthe mausolea was prioritized lesser and lesser over the history of the state, resulting in mausolea that were mere ruins at the end of the Tokugawa regime. After the restorations of the mausolea and the redesigning of ancestor worship in the Edo and Meiji periods, the mausolea gained a high degree of importance once again. Today, as private property of the imperial household, the 899 final imperial resting places of former emperors, family members as well as possible mausolea, are managed by the Kunaicho (the Imperial Household Agency)¹⁹.

4) Rites and Ceremonies at Imperial Gravesites

The importance of rituals in regard to religion and the afterlife should not be underestimated. Rituals generate unity within a religious group and can also aid to create religiosity in some cases. Through the use of standardized prayers, offerings, and the like, communication is established between the believer and their deity through which religiosity is developed and increased. Mainly, however, rituals constitute and are essential for the institutionalization of a religious group. Without institutionalization the survival of a group is at risk, meaning rituals that lead to the institutionalization of a religious group are essential to their survival. (Paul 1997: 8-11) So, without rituals, there is no community, no religiosity, and no institution resulting in the disappearance of that group. In the case of Buddhism, Gregor Paul describes three essential functions: 1) the creation of a sense of community, that unites the members of that group and at the same time separates them from people outside their group, 2) the creation of religious justification in regard to practices and 3) the development of sociopolitical order. The impact of rituals on community and justifications is far- reaching. An example is the Lotus Sutras' promise of retribution if someone decides to disregard it. Accordingly, during their reigns, Könin Tennö and Kammu Tennö prohibited practices that even slightly disregarded this sutra. (Paul 1997:11-12) As rites also aid to establish socio-political order, their recognition by the state or government is sometimes easily given, since they act as political tools for the reigning institution. This is not only seen in the aforementioned bans by Könin and Kammu Tennö but in countless other examples within Japanese history[20]. (Paul 1997:13-14)

There are many reasons why rituals lead to these essential functions and effects. First and foremost, they create a connection to a higher being by communicating through prayers and offerings. They also promise to grant wishes, some even act supportive towards the reigning power with (e.g) Sutras to protect the nation. When rituals are claimed to be the deity's will, there is no room for neglect. Especially since most rites - even if they promise to fulfill difficult wishes - are easy to perform. Another way how rites lead to their justification is by claiming to be a tradition from ancient times, thus becoming ‘invented traditions’ (more on this topic in chapter 5.2). Additionally, rites through the sense of community a sense of belonging and meaning for the individual, making them feel special to belong to their community. Lastly, some rituals have an aesthetic quality, that pleases the eyes ofthe people witnessing them. (Paul 1997:14­19)

One reason that the author would like to highlight at this point is the power of creating spaces to do things that one would under other circumstances not do. Paul described it appropriately when he said:

“Tue ich, was ich gerne täte, aber normalerweise nie wagte, gar auf Befehl und/ oder im Namen Gottes oder absoluter Werte und tue ich es außerdem in einem - gewissermaßen berauschenden - synästhetischen Kontext, so brauche ich an der Berechtigung meines Tunsnichtzuzweifeln.“ (Paul 1997: 17)

Because of these reasons, rituals show a high chance of survival, not only by demonstrating an immunity towards criticism from inside the group and outside but also by affecting topics like the sense of self and one's existence, fulfillment of one's wishes and others, which are all important to every human being. (Paul 1997: 21-22)

To apply the role of rites to Japan let us look at the institution of the Tennö. There are two elements to the title of the Japanese emperor; he is the highest priest in Shintö, and he holds the highest rank in government. While the Tennö lost this second element during the reign of the Shögunat, he still performed the first role. Additionally, even though technically the Shögunat held political power until the Meiji period, the emperor never lost his legitimacy and was always considered the official emperor ofthe nation. During the latter years ofthe Tokugawa regime, the changes in society, politics, and economics made way for the kokugakusha and alike to increase the Tennö's political role and importance, especially within the upper class. It was not important if the arguments the kokugakusha used were historically accurate or not, they seemed to have been the case in ancient times, and they were believed to strengthen the nation, which was enough to win the support of the aristocrats. Also, it was easy to follow the nativist's suggestions since the emperor had always been the emperor. Even when he had lost his political power, and when most court rituals had to be discontinued due to a lack of funds and personnel during the middle ofthe 15th century, he had still been fulfilling his role as high priest by conducting religious ceremonies. (Lokowandt 1997:135) The fact that Buddhism was the official religion ofthe court for a long time cannot be denied. From the Nara period until the beginning ofthe Meiji period, almost all imperial funerals had been performed according to Buddhist rites, since the private religion of most emperors was Buddhism. This however never hinder the emperors to fulfill their responsibilities as Shinto high priests, because Buddhism did not claim exclusivity. The emperor's personal beliefs did not hinder them from carrying out their imperial responsibilities by participating in public Shinto ceremonies. (Lokowandt 1997:135)

4.1) Burial Ceremony ofa Deceased Emperor

As mentioned before, funerary rites and ancestor rites are two sides ofthe same coin, meaning they cannot be separated completely. To give an overview of the funerary rites of the imperial family, the author would like to look at the funeral ceremony of the most recently deceased emperor of Japan. Showa Tenno is the father of emperor emeritus Akihito who resigned from his position and gave the Tenno title to his son Naruhito in 2019. Showa Tenno died on the morning of January 7, 1989, due to severe health problems. On the same day, the three imperial regalia²⁰ were ceremoniously handed over to his son Akihito who thus became the new emperor. The state ceremony was kept small and afterward, the government at the time officially announced the new area of Heisei, “peaceful achievement” to the nation and the world. (Antoni 1991:193­4, Olson 1998: 2) The next day a funeral committee was formed that would manage anything funeral related until the final burial on February 24, 1989. Various rituals and religious ceremonies were performed until the burial, some more important some less. The author would like to highlight the ceremony Hinkyu igyo no gi that was held on January 19, 1989. During this ceremony, the coffin, in which the deceased emperor was placed in a previous ceremony, was transferred from the private living quarters of the palace to a hall called Matsu no ma. This hall acted as the court of temporary internment (hinkyu)²¹. (Antoni 1991:195-6) The day ofthe final burial had an extensive ceremonial program, for both, religious private ceremonies as well as official state ceremonies that had no religious character. (Antoni 1991:196) Highlighting the non­religiosity of the state ceremonies was important since Showa Tenno was the first emperor to die after the establishment ofthe Japanese constitution in 1947. As a result, the religious liberty was upheld, and it violated the constitution to honor the deceased Tenno in a religious manner during the state funeral. It was, however, conceivable to combine the celebrations ofthe imperial house with those ofthe state because Article 7, Paragraph 10 of the constitution permits the Tenno to "perform ceremonial festivities." (Antoni 1991:193) Even while Showa Tenno was still alive, there were discussions taking place about how he ought to be buried. In this sense, constitutionalists and the conservative circles had each voiced demands to the government that were diametrically opposed to one another. In the end, a compromise was reached that included both public and private imperial rituals as part of the union of states. The event was broken down into seven different program points, four of which represented private imperial rituals and, as a result, had elements of religion, and three of which represented official state ceremonies. The sojoden, the mourning hall, served as the epicenter ofthe burial rites and was the location ofthe majority ofthe significant ceremonies. (Antoni 1991: 196-197)

The following are the agenda points ofthe funeral ceremonies with short explanations:

(1) Renso tojitsu hinkyusai no rei: Farewell ceremony in the temporary internment hall of the palace.
(2) Jisha hatsuin no gi: Ceremonial departure of the Imperial Hearse from the Imperial Palace to the mourning hall in Shinjuku gyoen.
(3) Taiso no rei gosoretsu: Ride ofthe motorcade to Shinjuku gyoen.
(4) Sojoden no gi: Ceremony in front and within the mourning hall according to Shinto rite.
(5) Taiso no rei: State funeral inside the mourning hall.
(6) Taiso no rei gosoretsu: Ride of the motorcade from the mourning hall to the gravesite.
(7) Ryosho no gi: Funeral rite according to Shinto rite at the gravesite.

Agenda points (3), (5), and (6) were the official non-religious state ceremonies of Showa Tenno’s funeral, while the rest demonstrated the religious part of the event. Before the state ceremonies started, there were a torii and two omasasaki branches positioned in front of the mourning hall, symbolizing the ceremony’s Shinto character. These were quietly removed, just before the state ceremonies began, indicating that the following ceremonies were of no religious character, like the previous ones. While the action was quite simple, this alone was supposed to separate the religious ceremoniesfrom the state ceremonies. (Antoni 1991:197, 201-204)

Comparing the funerary ceremonies of Meiji and Taisho Tenno with the ceremonies of Showa Tenno, it is clear that the core of these ceremonies was the same. The only difference in the case of Showa Tenno was, as the author mentioned before, the separation of private ceremonies and state ceremonies, indicated by the removal of the torii and omasakaki branches. While the events within the mourning hall were symbolically separated for Showa Tenno (ceremonies (4) and (5)) this was not the case for Taisho Tenno and was held in one single ceremony. The separation of state and religion was thus not evidenced by the introduction of a new type of ceremonial, but by a literal "separation" of the two parts in the form of a symbolic act: the removal of Shinto symbols. The separation of the state carriage ride and the religious funeral procession between the palace and the mourning hall serves the same purpose. "Separation" does not entail giving up specific parts and contents of the ceremony; rather, it means keeping them while simultaneously "segregating" them solely in terms of space and time. (Antoni 1991: 211-212) While the Showa funeral was slightly changed due to the political reasons the author mentioned before, we can see a sort of tradition between the three latest emperor funerals. And it seems that this form of funerary ceremony is not exclusive to emperors, it’s rather a form of state ceremony. (Antoni 1991:215) But while there is a tradition here, it is interesting to know if this dates back to ancient times, as it is always euphemized.

According to Emil Ohrt general Meiji state funerals can be broken down into four characteristics: 1) mitama utsushi, when the soul of the deceased transfers to the tamashiro²², 2) shukkan, the ceremonial removal of the coffin from the deceased's home²³, 3) sojo no shiki: the main ceremony for the entire funeral service²⁴ and, lastly, 4) maiso: the actual burial. (Ohrt 1910a: 92, Antoni 1991:215) All three imperial funerals the author discussed before, encompass these characteristics, solely the presentation ofthe tamagushi by the foreign funeral participants that is held during the sojo no shiki was left out during the Showa funeral because this would signify the religiosity ofthestatefuneral. (Antoni 1991: 216-217)

State funerals in Japan always follow the state Shinto practices, meaning, they were not religious ceremonies, but rather ceremonies according to Japanese customs and traditions that are held in this manner regardless ofthe religious beliefs ofthe deceased. State funerals are claimed to be held according to ancient models. However, this cannot be confirmed, since even the funerals ofthe imperial household were not held in Shinto fashion between 704 and 1867²⁵. (Antoni 1991:220) The first state funeral was held for Iwakura Tomomi in 1883 making the concept an invention of the Meiji period. (Ohrt 1910b: 143, Antoni 1991: 218) Not only state funerals but also general Shinto funerals did not exist before, since death was associated with impurity, which is crucial to Shinto, resulting in funerals becoming the profession of Buddhism since its introduction to the country. (Antoni 1991:218) To ward off the impurity from the general population - even in the case of the Tenno - the mourning hall, where the funeral ceremony was held, ought to be temporary and had to be removed after use. Because of this, burials in accordance with the Shinto rite continued to be an exception during the Meiji period; only the upper classes, primarily in the capital, followed the new custom. This was most likely done for reasons of prestige, as state funerals represented the highest honor that could be paid to a dead person in Japan. (Ohrt 1910b: 123). The population, on the other hand, remained steadfast in their adherence to the old customs, which not only permitted cremation but also burial in accordance with the Buddhist ceremonies in most instances. (Antoni 1991:219)

Even before the establishment of Buddhism in Japan, there are no pieces of evidence for Shinto funerals. Rather, other influences from China such as the objects in funeral ceremonies and decorations of hearses are tracable. (Antoni 1991:227) During the Ritsuryo state, it was prioritized to legally specify sizes, costs, and other quantitative matters that surrounded funerals rather than specifying rituals and ceremonies. It was also forbidden to perform double burials and build temporary internment halls (mogari no miya ²⁶ ) except in the case of the emperor himself. (Antoni 1991:226) As Temmu Tenno’s²⁷ funeral falls into this time, the author would like to compare his funeral ceremony to that ofthe Meiji period and after. Following important aspects ofTemmu Tenno’s memorial service can be made out²⁸:

(8) The funeral ceremonial for the deceased emperor took place during the period of "temporary burial" in the mourning hall, not at the actual gravesite,
(9) The ceremonial was composed of farewell speeches, offerings, and music and dance,
(10) The Buddhist monks and nuns in the palace and temples of the capital played a leading role.

There is no indication of a non-Buddhist or "pure-Shinto" burial ritual taking place during Temmu Tenno’s imperial funeral rituals since the proportion of Buddhist clergy constitutes an elementary component in the religious setting of these ceremonies.

However, if we ignore the Buddhist aspects, we are left with the following components, all of which were present in the state funerals held during the Meiji period: a) temporary burial hall (mogari no miya), b) necrologies, c) sacrifices, d) music, and e) burial in a misasagi tumulus. (Antoni 1991:232)

To go any further than the oldest chronicles Kojiki and Nihongi that Temmu Tenno had commissioned, we will have to look at archaeological findings and sources from overseas. As in a previous chapter mentioned, the first findings that come to mind are the gigantic keyhole shaped tumuli of the Yayoi and Kofun periods. Findings show other burial methods like crouched burials and jug graves from the Jomon period. Even though these findings have great archaeological significance, they do not deliver any insight into the ritual and ceremonial side of funerals. (Antoni 1991:233) As for documentation about Japan from overseas, there are the Hou Han shu and the Wei chi from China that describe the funerary customs of the people from the ancient kingdom of Yamatai. There are records of a period of mourning after a person’s death, Sake and food offerings, music, songs, dance, and the royal tomb of Himiko²⁹. (Antoni 1991:233-4)

To conclude this chapter, we can confidently say that the state funeral according to Shinto practices, is not, as always depicted, a tradition from ancient times. If anything, the mogari no miya (or hinkyu as it was called during Showa Tenno’s funeral) can be traced as far back as Temmu Tenno and the official state chronicles and could be called a tradition that was reassumed. (Aston 1956: 66, 326) Anything else seems to be a consolidation of elements from various religious and ideological directions. The state funeral ceremony ofthe Meiji period seems to be an invented tradition if anything. Forfurther information on invented traditions, please referto chapter5.2.

4.2) Ancestor Veneration Ceremonies during the Imperial Transition

The imperial transition is a time of change and unknown, politically, and socially. Usually, it is also a time of grief and sorrow, since until 2019 the transition entailed the death ofthe previous emperor³⁰. In general, there are three main ceremonies during the accession and succession of a new emperor in Japan. First is the Senso, the state ceremony where the new emperor is handed over the three imperial regalia Sword, Jewel, and Mirror. The second ceremony is the Sokui no rei, where the accession of the new emperor is officially announced to the Japanese nation as well as the whole world. This ceremony is, compared to the Senso, much larger in the audience as well as much more elaborate. The new Tenno and his empress are wearing ritual clothing and each sit on a Heian-style octagonal throne. High-ranked officials are present. The last ceremony is also the most important, the Daijosai, the Great Thanksgiving Festival³¹. (Lokowandt 2018: 171-172) The Daijosai is an important variant of the Niinamesai that is only carried out in the first year following the enthronement of a new Tenno. Participation in the Niinamesai is usually given to the highest-ranking politicians in the country, including the Prime Minister, other ministers in the Cabinet, presidents and vice-presidents ofthe lower and upper houses, judges on the supreme court, and other authorities. However, there arejust two parties present in the Daijosai. The new Tenno and Amaterasu Omikami. Alongside the very first dinner made using the new rice, a pot of freshly brewed sake is brought to the table. There are also various interpretations on a sexual component taking place during this rite, but Lokowandt disregards this in his study. He argues that even if there was any prior to the hiatus between 1463 and 1688³², it would most likely have been lost during that time period. (Lokowandt 2018: 176) Because there are no witnesses present during the Daijosai, there are no documents that detail the activities that actually take place during the ceremony. However, the belief goes that during the ceremony the divine spirit, which is across all generations the same, is transferred to the new emperor, transforming him into a living deity. (Ebersole 1989:96, Hardacre 2017:73, Sasaki 2010: 10-12) There are many discourses on the mystery ofthe Daijosai and the Tennorei, the spirit ofthe emperor. Some even believed the same imperial soul would be transferred from one corpse to the next. (Sasaki 2010: 28-30) However, since these discourses go far beyond the scope of this work, the author would like to refer to the work of Sasaki Kiyoshi called “Tennorei to koikeisho girei” from 2010.

The Engi shiki distinguished the Shinto festivals into three categories: the great festival, the middle festivals, and the small festivals. The Daijosai is the only festival considered to be great. (Florenz 1925:335) Since there is great importance on this ceremony, various preparations have to be made to be able to hold it. To preserve the purity of the ceremony itself, everything else needs to be purified as well. To achieve that, everything used in this ceremony is produced new. From the utensils to the clothes and furniture, even the building and the land on which the building is going to be erected have to be purified. Even the Tenno himself has to undergo a period of abstinence and a purification ritual two days before the Daijosai is held. (Kunaicho 2019: 2, Florenz 1925:336) Hardacre puts the meaning ofthe ceremony this way:

“Communing with the deities in this way symbolically imbues the emperor with the power of the Kami as a living god. Enthronement rites communicate the emperor’s transcendent status based upon a cosmological role of mediator between the human and divine worlds, descendant of the gods, uniquely unified with them.” (Hardacre 2017:73)

4.3) Ancestor Veneration Ceremonies related to the Imperial Accession 2019

The latest imperial transition in Japan occurred in 2019 when former emperor Akihito resigned his position of Tenno to his son Naruhito in a ceremony called Taiirei-Seiden- no-Gi. The last day ofthe Heisei era is considered to be April 30th, 2019. The morning of May 1st, 2019 marked the beginning of a new era called Reiwa (“beautiful harmony”). While the abdication of emperor Akihito entailed some ancestor-related ceremonies as well, namely the visit of the Ise shrine and the mausolea of the three to four previous Tenno to report his abdication³³, these were not part ofthe official ceremonial calendar.

Looking at the official ceremonial calendar we can make out various ceremonies and rites³⁴. In total 33 ceremonies and rites are listed including dates, short descriptions, and the venues in which they are held. All these rites and ceremonies are dated after the abdication of former emperor Akihito, even after the Kenji-to-Shokei-no-Gi Ceremony, where Naruhito was handed over the three imperial regalia, meaning they only regard the accession rituals can ceremonies of the new emperor Naruhito. The Kenji-to-Shokei-no-Gi is the ceremony previously mentioned as Senso. It is unclear why Lockowandt (1925) and Hardacre (2017) use this term, but the website of the Kunaicho lists it under a different name³⁵. While going through the official ceremonial calendar, the authorwould like to highlight the ancestor related rites and ceremonies.

Ceremonies and Rites related to the Accession to the Throne (Schedule):

May1st-3rd: The list begins with the Kashikodokoro-no-gi and the Koreiden- Shinden-ni-Hokoku-no-gi. The purpose was to report firstly to Amaterasu Omikami and secondly to the imperial ancestors and other deities about the accession ofthe new Tenno. These rituals are performed at the Kashikodokoro, the Koreiden and Shinden respectively, by an authorized representative.

May 8th: The next rites performed for the ancestors are the Kashikodokoro-ni- Kijitsu-Hokoku-no gi and the Koreiden-Shinden-ni-Kijitsu-Hokoku-no- gi. These, again, performed at the imperial palace sanctuary, are rituals to report to Amaterasu Omikami, the imperial ancestors and the deities about the date of the Daijosai.

May 10th: Imperial envoys were sent to the Ise Jingu as well as the respective mausolea of Jimmu Tenno, Komei Tenno, Meiji Tenno, Taisho Tenno, and Showa Tenno and ceremoniously reported to the respective spirits the date of the Daijosai and made them offerings in the name of the new Tenno. The ceremonies names are Jingu-ni-Hobei-no-gi and Jimmu-Tenno-Sanryo-oyobi-Showa-Tenno-izen-Yondai-no- Tenno-Sanyryo-ni-Hobei-no-gi.

October 22nd: After the state ceremony of Sokuirei-Seiden-no-gi the emperor himself reported at the Imperial Palace Sanctuary on the same day the conduct of the enthronement ceremony to the ancestor of origin, the imperial ancestors, and the deities in the Sokuirei-Tojitsu- Kashikodokoro-Omae-no-gi and the Sokuirei-Tojitsu-Koreiden- Shinden-ni-Hokoku-no-gi.

November 14th: The Daijosai was held on the night ofthe 14th to the 15th of November 2019. On this day a total of four rituals were held for the ancestors. Starting with the report of the following performance of the Daijosai by an envoy at the Ise Jingu (Daijosai-Tojitsu-Jingu-ni-Hobei-no-gi), followed by similar reports at the Kashikodokoro, Koreiden and Shinden (Daijosai-Tojitsu-Kashikodokoro-Omike-Kyoshin-no-gi and Daijosai-Tojitsu-Koreiden-Shinden-ni-Hokoku-no-gi) conducted by authorized personnel. Finally, the Daijokyu-no-gi was performed by the Tenno who served Amaterasu Omikami the first rice of the new harvest and newly brewed sake and prayed “for peace and abundant harvest for the country and the people”.

November 22nd: After the Daijosai, the emperor went to Ise Jingu to personally pay reverence to the Kami. The ceremony is called Sokuirei-oyobi- Daijosai-go-Jingu-ni-Shin’etsu-no-gi.³⁶

Weeks after

visit at Ise: After visiting Amaterasu Okami at Ise Shrine, the emperor traveled to the mausolea of Jimmu Tenno, Komei Tenno, Meiji Tenno, Taisho Tenno, and Showa Tenno³⁷ to hold the rites of Sokuirei-oyobi- Daijosai-go-Jinmu-Tenno-Sanryo-oyobi-Showa-Tenno-izen-Yondai- no-Tenno-Sanyryo-ni-Shin’etsu-no-gi and pay worship.³⁸³⁹

After visits to

Jingu and tombs: Final reverences were made at the Kashikodokoro, Koreiden and

Shinden after the visits at the Jingu and respective mausolea. During the ceremonies of Sokuirei-oyobi-Daijosai-go-Kashikodokoro-ni- Shin’etsu-no-gi and Sokuirei-oyobi-Daijosai-go-Koreiden-Shinden- ni-Shin’etsu-no-gi the emperor paid his respect, finalizing in the performance of a Mikagura (Sokuirei-oyobi-Daijosai-go- Kashikodokoro-Mikagura-no-gi).

Out of 33 ceremonies related to the accession of the new Tenno, an impressive 17 were dedicated solely to the ancestors ofthe imperial household.

4.4) AncestorVeneration Rites and Ceremonies 1901 vs. 2022

The ceremonial calendar analyzed in chapter 4.3 was a ritual schedule specifically created for the purpose of conducting accession-specific ceremonies. There is, however, also a general calendar, marking the main ritual ceremonies that are celebrated annually.

To get an understanding of how national holidays and ceremonies can change over time, the author would like to compare annual ancestor worship-related ceremonies from 1901 to those of the present day. Even though the calendar we are going to analyze is from the post-Meiji era, which is considered to demonstrate ‘the’ time of change in the Japanese context, the author would like to remind the reader, that between 1901 and 2022, Japan went through two world wars, that, maybe not as much as the Meiji Restauration, but still pose as two major times of change, for the whole world in fact.

The reverence of the imperial ancestors is described to be performed on nine of the eleven national holidays in 1901. These national holidays include:

January 1st: New Year’s Day, the worship of the four directions;

January3rd: the Genshi-sai %n,^ where the Tenno makes offerings at the three shrines ofthe Imperial Palace Sanctuary;

January 30th: Komei Tenno-sai ^^^M^, celebrating the anniversary of his death;

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

The two national holidays that are not based on ancestor worship are the Shinnen Enkai ^M^^, “the Banquet of the New Year” celebrated on January 5th, and the Tencho Setsu ^MM celebrating the at the time reigning Taisho Tenno’s birthday. (Nobushige 1901: 18, 20)

Comparing this with the present national holidays out of a generic agenda, there are many differences. Most holidays seem to have been changed over the years, others completely erased. The national holidays clearly venerating the ancestors are the following: Kenkoku kinenbi BSlH^H(February 11th, formerly celebrated as Kigen- Setsu ^%B), Shunbun no hi #Ro|| (March 21st, formerly celebrated as Shunki Korei-sai fRWJMY 7^7), Shubun no hi RftOH (September 23rd, formerly celebrated as Shuki Korei-sai R^M®^). Also, the birthdays of Showa Tenno (April 29th) and ofthe current Tenno Naruhito (February 23rd) are celebrated as national holidays as well.⁴⁰

Lastly, a comparison with the list of annual ritual ceremonies by the Kunaicho seems necessary. It is rather interesting that in this ritual calendar, all national ceremonies from 1901 are still included except the Kigen-Setsu on February 11th. Additionally, the death day anniversaries of Kojun Kogo (June 16th), Meiji Tenno (July 30th) and Taisho Tenno (December 25th) have been added to the list of yearly ancestor worship ceremonies.

5) Political and Ideological Significance of Ancestor Worship and the Worship of Imperial Ancestors

To understand the relevance of ancestor worship within Japanese politics, it is wise to understand first the interplay ofthe state structure and the family state system that we analyzed in chapter 2.2. “The basic characteristic of the Japanese state structure is that it is always considered as an extension ofthe family.” (Maruyama 1969: 36, Skya 2002: 236) Maruyama Masao describes four agents that together join the household to the state: the imperial mythology, the religious tradition of ancestor veneration, the social structure of the family and, lastly, the customary heritage of the folk morality. (Maruyama 1969:282-283) These agents however would probably not work as political tools in an individualistic society like ours. In Japan, however, the existence and achievements of an individual are only as valuable as they are valuable to society, today but especially in the Meiji era. And since society theoretically equaled the state, the value of a person was his value to the state. (Skya 2002: 238-239) If we take another step back, we recognize that the emperor, as the head of state, embodied the will of the state. Serving the emperor and his will equaled serving the state's will and ultimately serving society at large. This was the highest realization of an individual, “the realization ofones ‘essential Being’” ⁴¹⁴², as WalterA. Skya said. (Skya 2002: 240)

To establish an effective clerical Shinto institution, the Meiji government of 1871 dissolved the ‘temple and shrine department’ j/s^a buggyo, which had been facilitating the relationship between the government and the religious entities since the reign of Tokugawa lemitsu (1623 - 1650), stripped Buddhism of its’ official recognition and seized some of the lands that Buddhist temples had acquired. (Florenz 1925:341) Over the years, various government departments were established to administrate any Shinto-related affairs and later all religious affairs that were recognized by the state, even Buddhism. Shinto priests were permitted to conduct funerals, which for centuries had been exclusively the domain of Buddhist clergy and Buddhist priests would wear Shinto clothing at official ceremonies, briefly stated, there was another syncretism happening in the realms of Shinto and Buddhism, just like the emergence of Ryobu- Shinto in the ninth century. This time, however, it was prevented through different decrees in 1875. The differences between Buddhism and Shinto were highly stressed and lastly, in 1900 all Shinto affairs and respective government offices were separated from the other religious institutions and their concerns. (Florenz 1925:341-342) Until this time, in the eyes of the state, Shinto was regarded as a religion, just like the others. From 1900 onwards, however, Shinto shrines were regarded as national historical establishments and Shinto as a state ceremony (koku-rei) with no religious attributes. (Florenz 1925:342) The process of deconstructing Shinto shrine into nonreligious sites had already begun in 1884, when Shinto priests were, once again, prohibited to perform funerals. Furthermore, major changes were made in official departments regarding the administration of religious matters. Official Shinto was now managed by the Bureau of Shrines, the jinja kyoku, while all other religions, including Shinto sects, were managed by the Bureau of Religion, shukyo kyoku. This was made possible with the argument that Shinto was only the worship of meritorious ancestors, “an expression of unified national consciousness and reverent loyalty to the ruling house; the Shinto shrines are places where the deceased heroes are commemorated in an ethical sense” as Karl Florenz described (Florenz 1925:342) and a notion that, in some parts, survived until today, defining Shinto as the religion of ancestor worship.

The motives of a non-religious state Shinto are clear: the imperial household was able to get their political power back and build a new state structure with the aid of Shinto, thus nominating it as state religion for a brief time. Having a state religion however was a constitutional violation⁴³, hence declaring Shinto as a state ceremony and with it keeping not only the Shinto shrines at the government's disposal but also keeping the image of the imperial household in a favorable state in the minds of the people. Although the official declaration regarded Shinto as non-religious, the shrine ceremonies that date back to the Engishiki, the norito prayers, and the belief in godly aid in various aspects of life render Shinto as a religious belief system. (Florenz 1925:343)

1.1) Ancestor Worship from a Political Perspective

Klaus Antoni’s following quote sums up perfectly the political ramifications of religion in Japan: “Sei es die Systematisierung der japanischen Mythen im Altertum oder auch die Konstruktion der Zen-Kloster unter der Ashikaga im Mittelalter oder die des buddhistischen Klerus in der Tokugawa-Zeit - stets dient die Religion auch der geistlichen Legitimation herrschaftlicher Gewalt.” (Antoni 1997:177) As we have established with the ie system and the importance of filial piety, the Japanese state relies on the unity of the entire people. This, however, was not the case in the early Meiji period. The state consisted of different fractions with different agendas, that sometimes even contradicted each other. Some officials focused on the difficult relationship with the West, which had been established by the Shogunat, while others' goal was to create a Japan in the image of ancient times, without any foreign influence. No matter the individual goals of the different groupings, it was important for all to build a strong nation⁴⁴ to be on eye level with the West. The pro-Shinto nativists were accommodated by some ministries since their general agenda of establishing the Tenno as authority aided this goal. But their methods were only accepted as far as it was helpful to “the material aims of an industrializing nation-state.” (Bernstein 2006:16)

One of the nativist's aims was the ban on cremation, which was established by the state in 1873. This however brought several issues with it. The Buddhists argued that the ban kept family members apart since their remains could not be placed in family graves. The most significant issue was the fact that the ban increased the risk of pest breakouts within the country. Thus, leading to the ban being lifted in a short time. After this, the Home Ministry decided to separate the ritual agenda ofthe kokugakusha from the operational aspects of nation-building. (Bernstein 2006: 16-17) The question as to what to do with the deceased in Japan necessitated continuing to rely on ancestral ideas. The Meiji period brought far-reaching changes in various aspects of life. People were not only dealing with political changes within and outside the country, but the economy was also changing as well as society at large. In some respects, people were holding on to what they knew and what had always worked for them. One of which was the funerary practices of Buddhism that had been established centuries ago and that accompanied people over generations giving meaning to death, that on its own is already a difficult subject. (Bernstein 2006: 19) In light of all these factors, the religious policy that prevailed throughout the early part of the Meiji period seems to have been an almost unavoidable outcome. The emperor, who served as the ideological foundation of the forces that sought to restore or reform the previous order, was kept in his position and became the new regime's ideological foundation. In return, Shinto was chosen to be the official state religion so that it could be protected on an ideological level. (Lokowandt 1997:135) This was in part possible because Japanese mythology was already serving the political goal of legitimizing the imperial household (Antoni 2002: 267), and, in the face of so much change, the old seemed to be a familiar and safe place.

Ancestor worship was once again used as a tool to enforce the political agenda of a family-state ideology between the years of 1900 and 1945. The interconnection ofthe veneration ofone's own ancestors with that ofthe imperial households was seen as a duty of the citizen, and ancestor worship was used as a tool to enforce the political agenda. The importance of ancestor worship as a political tool to unite the nation lies in the fact that it builds the link to the worship of the Tenno, in which the Tenno is seen as the father of the nation and was believed to be in contact with the nation's ancestors, while his subordinates are like his children. Ancestor worship is therefore important because it creates this link, which is why it is so effective at uniting the nation. (Woss 1993:135-136, Mathews 2019:45, Antoni 1990:100) Because of this, ancestor worship is defined ”[...]as the belief system which connects the household to the state through the medium of the ancestors” according to Morioka (1977:185). The ancestors of the nation are most commonly referenced during times of political. The opening of the country and the installation ofthe new Tenno are two examples that are typical of these kinds of ceremonies. The purpose of making such a reference is to bring attention once again to the authoritative position held by the imperial household. This is accomplished by positing that the imperial power and authority are inherited and can therefore be passed down only through the imperial family. The family-state ideology insinuates that loyalty and filial piety form the foundation of Japanese ethics, despite the fact that both of these concepts are thought to be equivalent to one another. Ancestor worship is viewed as the cornerstone not only ofthe family system in Japan but also ofthe nation itself. This is due to the fact that filial piety as well as the former uji and later ie systems included reverence for the elders and ancestors. (Morioka 1977:185-188, Antoni 1990:102)

The fact that this particular style of worshiping one's ancestors emerged and gained prominence in Japan notably during and after the Meiji period may be deduced from the following evidence. Nobushige Hozumi explains in his work "Ancestor-Worship and Japanese Law" from 1901 how and when during the year the Imperial Household venerates its ancestors beginning with Amaterasu Okami as the ancestor of origin, the first emperor of the nation Jimmu Tenno (his death day anniversary), and the death day anniversary of, at the time recently deceased, Komei Tenno, thus venerating only the first and last If we compare these national holidays of 1901 with the ceremonial calendar ofthe Kunaicho from 2021, we can see that almost all memorial ceremonies are still conducted today as well, in addition to the death day anniversaries ofthe Meiji Tenno, Taisho Tenno, Showa Tenno, and his wife Kojun kogo. Only the death anniversaries of Tenno that occurred after Komei Tenno are respected and mentioned; those that occurred between Jimmu and Komai are neither venerated nor commemorated. This highlights the fact that venerating ancestors in general as well as the imperial ancestors in particular is certainly a tool of the state that was specifically reinforced in Japan aftertheyear 1900. (Nobushige 1901:15-18)

1.2) The Imperial Ancestors and Invented Traditions

There is a notion in academia that ancestor worship in Japan is an invented tradition rather than a tradition as it is always depicted. To understand the term in all its’ nuances the author would like to quote the definition of Eric Hobsbawm, who virtually coined the term:

“Invented tradition is taken to mean a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past.” (Hobsbawm 1983:1)

Hobsbawm mentions in his definition, that invented traditions are formed through repetition, from which we can deduce that a new tradition is inserted into past occurrences, making itself seem old and by that legitimizing this repetition. (Bernstein 2006:7) It is not specified as to how long this repetition has to date back, only that it must imply that this repeated custom has been performed since before the time it was created. To put it simply, invented traditions are new reactions to new circumstances, but they are depicted as repeated reactions referencing past circumstances making the whole tradition artificial. (Hobsbawm 1983:2, 12) Hobsbawm further assumes that invented traditions are a “process of formalization and ritualization” of quasi-historic behavior. The easiest way to ‘make them historic’ is the use of historic materials (Hobsbawm 1983:4-6), as in this case, the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. When and how these kinds of traditions were created is not traceable since there is no documentation oftheir creation process or origin.

Furthermore, invented traditions are categorized into three types, that may occur simultaneously: a) those that create or represent social unity or that indicate affiliation with groups or communities, real or fictional; b) those that build or legitimize established institutions, statuses, or relations of power, and c) those primarily aiming for socialization, the indoctrination of belief and value systems, as well as behavioral customs. (Hobsbawm 1983:9, Antoni 1997:177-178)

Applying the definition of invented tradition and these types to Japan we can now clearly see that ancestor worship is indeed an invented tradition, based on the worship of ancestors since ancient times that a) creates unity within the Japanese people as ‘the children ofthe emperor’ and the descendants ofAmaterasu Okami, b) legitimizes the institution, status and power ofthe imperial household and c) as a result, creates the belief that ancestors are to be venerated, the emperor respected and in accordance regarded with loyalty. It is rather fascinating that the definition as well as the types of invented traditions that Hobsbawm describes fit the Japanese example of ancestor worship like a glove.

Considering these facts, it is not always easy to distinguish traditions from invented traditions. There is, however, one difference that can be observed. Traditions that have survived through time are specific and pragmatic. Invented traditions that aim to achieve specific goals are by trend vague and target an emotional response in the people. In the case of Japanese ancestor and emperor worship, we can see vague values like loyalty, duty, and patriotism. (Hobsbawm 1983:10) This way, the old persists in the new, and the new passes for the old.

We can observe another example of Japanese invented tradition in the official funerary rites from the Meiji period. While Buddhist funeral rites date as far back as the 7th century, the invented tradition by the nativist fraction of Shinto-style state funerals is claimed to be an ancient tradition of a time before Buddhism influence even came to Japan. Indeed, there are fragments of a time before Buddhism and as we have established in former chapters the existence of funerals can be made out by the gigantic mausolea from the Yayoi period. But there are no documents describing funerary rites from that time, thus making the argument of an ancient tradition artificial. (Bernstein 2006:15) Ironically, the basis of the nativists' ancient Japanese funerary traditions traces back to Chinese teachings, brought to Japan by Confucian scholars. (Bernstein 2006:8-15)

The consequences of these invented traditions, in academic circles at least, are put in a nutshell by Oda Wischmeyer, who states:

“In our present scholarship ‘invented tradition’ will no longer work as a mere concept of interpretation within Marxist framework of writing ‘history’, but as a heuristic instrument that differentiates our reading especially ofcanonical texts.”(Wischmeyer 2012:178)

While the use of invented traditions in Japan cannot be denied, Klaus Antoni introduces another concept regarding traditions in Japan. He refers to the term ‘traditionalism’ that was established by Dietmar Rothermund in 1989, describing the reconstruction or reinterpretation of old religious concepts to underline ideological goals. (Antoni 1997:178) Even though the Meiji Restoration and government are most often used as an example for these kinds of comparisons, the rulership of the Tokugawa family is another suitable example, in this case for ‘traditionalism’. The Tokugawa legitimized their reign by reinterpretation and reconstruction of Shinto in terms of Confucian philosophy, as this was the general philosophy of the time. This is in accordance with Rothermund’s definition of traditionalism. (Antoni 1997:178-182) But not only traditionalism can be observed in the example of the Tokugawa regime. At this point the authorwould like to quote Antoni to precisely describe this phenomenon:

„Der shintö-konfuzianische Synkretismus der frühen Edo-Zeit in Ritual und Lehre [stellt] ein nahezu perfektes Beispiel für die Entstehung eines ideologischen Traditionalismus [dar], der sich - durch die Neuinterpretation überlieferter Traditionen im Sinne der „invented traditions“ - der neuen Machtstruktur als ideales Legitimationssystem andient. (Antoni 1997:193)

6) Conclusion

In this research project, the author analyzed different topics including but not limited to the Japanese ie system, ancestor worship, and imperial household from historical, social, religious-cultural, and political perspectives. Each of these research areas includes a great number of subtopics making each of them suitable and necessary for exclusive research. It was, however, important for this specific thesis to analyze the interplay of each topic and its perspectives. As each topic in itself is vast, the author tried to give a precise overview of their interplay. Since extensive research on all these topics would go beyond the scope of this work, the author considers this research project as the first initiation into the overarching topic of ancestor worship in the imperial household and politics. A resumption of this topic in the scope of a Ph.D. project would be recommended at a later date.

To conclude the research, once again the author would like to state the research questions that were established in the introduction of this work and possible answers that were analyzed between the chapters 2 and 5.

RQ#1:What role does the ie system play in the veneration of ancestors in Japan?

In chapter 2.1 we established, that with the increased importance of filial piety and the family especially during the Tokugawa regime and the Meiji period, there was also an emphasis on ancestor worship and loyalty towards the Tenno. The ie system dictated that the head of the ie, the oldest male of the household, carried the duty to care for the elders of the family as well as perform daily prayers and offerings to his ancestors at the butsudana in his home. Either his mother or wife were also required to take the position of bringing daily offerings to the ancestors. As for the reverence of the national ancestors, the ie system played a big part in it through the family state ideology, making the Japanese people a big family with the Tenno as their father figure and “household head” of the nation and Amaterasu Okami as the ancestor of origin.

RQ#2:How did the syncretism of Shinto and Buddhism beliefs regarding ancestor worship come to be?

As we have seen in chapter 2.2 in the ninth century an amalgamation of Shinto and Buddhism occurred in the name of Ryobu Shinto. In general, this can be called a combinatory belief system, however, it was mainly in the interest of Buddhism rather than Shinto. Ryobu believers accepted that the Japanese kami were local manifestations of Buddhas. That Buddhism overshadowed Shinto was also evident in the fact that the highest priests of Shinto, the emperors themselves dedicated their lives and deaths to Buddhist practices. A similar amalgamation process from the Meiji period was discussed in chapter 5, when Buddhist priests would wear Shinto clothing during official ceremonies since the state and especially the nativist fraction disapproved of Buddhism. This however never truly led to another syncretism of religions as it did during the 9th century because the division of Shinto and Buddhism was a high priority on the government agenda at the time.

RQ#3:What are the differences in imperial ancestor rites between 1901 and now? While the ancestor worship ceremonies are no longer necessarily listed as national holidays, there are not many changes in their worship by the imperial household. Additionally, the anniversaries of the Tenno that had died until today are added to the ceremonial calendar.

RQ#4:Did imperial ancestor veneration increase after the Meiji Restoration and, if so, to what extent?

This question can be answered with, yes, ancestor veneration on a national level increased after the Meiji Restoration, as we discussed in chapters 3 and 5. While not only the restoration and designation of the imperial tombs were a big undertaking in the late Edo to early Meiji period, the redesign of imperial ancestor veneration, in general, posed the underlying main goal of the government at the time. The image of the Tenno and his authority was to be strengthened in order to unify the different factions within the government and the people but also to strengthen the country towards the West. The emperor became the head of state and loyalty toward him was the highest virtue for a person. The Tenno's authority was underlined by the fact that the mausolea and tombs of all emperors were rebuilt or, if they did not already have a designated mausolea, they were assigned one. Some Tennos were worshiped as gods and their mausolea were propagated as sacred locations. Since the Tenno was the father figure of the people, Amaterasu Okami was regarded as the national ancestor.

RQ#5: I s Japanese ancestor worship and its rites ‘tradition’ or rather ‘invented tradition’?

Japanese ancestor worship and its’ rites are a perfect example of invented traditions and their types, that were established by Eric Hobsbawm. In chapter 5.2 the author describes that ancestor worship in Japan is regarded as an ancient tradition, even linking it to Shinto and describing it as the religion of ancestor worship, when there is no evidence of that in the old chronicles. The (invented) tradition of ancestor worship is generally accepted and poses as a ritual and symbol, while also being regarded as old because of repeated reverence. The imperial ancestor worship can be integrated into the three types of invented tradition that can overlap. Ancestor worship unifies the nation under the ideology of the family state, legitimizes the authority of the imperial household, and, lastly, creates a norm of values and behaviors towards the national ancestors, the emperor and Amaterasu Okami.

As indicated at the beginning of this conclusion, there is a lot of room for further research on these topics, separately but more importantly within their interplay. Rather than doing a literature review alone, it would also be highly profitable to do further research through an empirical study, analyzing the current trends in ancestor worship as well as worship towards the imperial ancestors.

7) Bibliography

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8) Appendix

Ceremonies and Rites related to the Accession to the Throne (Schedule)

For ceremonies that are State acts, and government-hosted events, see Prime Minister's homepage (-►).

Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten

[...]

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¹ Statista Research Department (2015), Verteilung der Weltbevölkerung nach Religionszugehörigkeit in den Jahren 2010 und 2050: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/434032/umfrage/verteilung- der-weltbevoelkerung-nach-religionszugehoerigkeit/ (last accessed: 2022/09/03)

² Aaron O'Neill (2022), “Japan: Religious affiliations in 2018”:https://www.statista.com/statistics/237609/reliqions-in-iapan/ (last accessed: 2022/09/03)

³ For further information on Shintö I recommend consulting the work of Helen Hardacre with the same title“Shintö” published in 2016.

⁴ For further information on the Insei System please refer to Gregor C. Hurst (1976): Insei: abdicated sovereigns in the politics of late Heian Japan; 1086 - 1185

⁵ Encyclopedia Britannica (2013), „Anteil der Anhänger ausgewählter Religionen an der Gesamtbevölkerung weltweit im Jahr 2010“. https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/256874/umfrage/anteil-der-anhaenger-ausgewaehlter- religionen-an-der-bevoelkerung-weltweit/ (last accessed: 2022/09/03)

⁶ The ancestors are seen as patriarchs or parents who must be venerated. In ancient times, ancestral veneration was one of the patriarch's ceremonial duties inside the household. In ancient China, a person's social status and prestige were defined by practices such as ancestor worship. Within a family or clan, the oldest son was always entrusted with the responsibility of performing ancestor worship. This post was ineligible for female applicants. To maintain ancestor worship and fulfill his responsibility to provide for and care for the clan's elders, the leader of a clan was required to amass property and assets. This basically made him the legal heir and representative of his clan's riches. (Mading 1966: 32-33)

⁷ The members of these uji are not necessarily blood related but it should rather be seen as a group of families that are in an alliance or a group of extended kin.

⁸ An example of this is the change of the uji-gami of the Minamoto family; they previously venerated Yamato-Takeru and later regarded Hachiman as their uji-gami. (Florenz 1925:300)

⁹ Maruyama goes as far as to say that the family state ideology is a characteristic of the unique Japanese fascism, that the military and right-wing movement tried to establish in Japan since the Meiji era, (Masao Maruyama 1963: 36-37, Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics, trans.: Iwan Morris) indicating as well that the ideology can be traced back to the Meiji period.

¹⁰ The Yamato clan was the imperial lineage that traced its origins to Amaterasu. (Bernstein 2006:22)

¹¹ It is interesting to see, that the interpretation of Buddhism in early days was perceived through a Shinto perspective, since ritual pollution and purification are historical attributes of Shinto. (For context see the story of Izanami and Izanagi in the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki.)

¹² The Obon festival, earlier known as the urabon festival is translated as the “Ghost Festival” and was introduced from China, where it was celebrated as early as 538 C.E by Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty. (Bernstein 2006:22)

¹³ For further information please consult Andrew Bernstein’s book “Modern Passings: Death Rites, Politics, and Social Changes in Imperial Japan” from 2006.

¹⁴ Insei System

¹⁵ Some political fractions regarded the signing of treaties with the West and the marriage of Tokugawa lemochi to princess Kazu no miya as disrespect towards the emperor since he did not approve of these actions. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 204)

¹⁶ Some political fractions regarded the signing of treaties with the West and the marriage of Tokugawa lemochi to princess Kazu no miya as disrespect towards the emperor since he did not approve of these actions. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 204)

¹⁷ Some political fractions regarded the signing of treaties with the West and the marriage of Tokugawa lemochi to princess Kazu no miya as disrespect towards the emperor since he did not approve of these actions. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 204)

¹⁸ The Utsunomiya were one of the daimyo of the Tokugawa regime and acted as local rulers in the territory north to Edo (modern-day Tokyo). Their daimyo status was that of the fudai han, hereditary vassals. (Pickl-Kolaczia 2017: 205) See also: Encyclopedia Britannica (2019), “daimyo - Japanese social class”, https://www.britannica.com/topic/daimyo. (last accessed: 2022/09/12)

¹⁹ Kunaicho (2022), “Ryobo (Mausolea and Tombs)”, https://www.kunaicho.qo.ip/e- about/shisetsu/ryobo.html (last accessed 2022/09/12)

²⁰ Sword jewel, and mirror.

²¹ The hinkyu (in earlier times referred to as the mogari no miya) describes a building or hall that is designated fora temporary placement of the emperor’s body during the mourning period, which spanned between a few months to years. During this period ceremonies were held as well as the construction of the imperial tomb was completed. In ancient times, the mogari no miya housed the women who had engaged in sexual relations with the deceased, who performed rituals designed to call back the spirit of the deceased. Meanwhile in the vicinity of the temporary structure, courtiers delivered politically charged eulogies aimed at securing advantages during the succession process. Even though the practice ofthe mogari no miya (which is also called a ‘double burial’) was prohibited by Kotoku Tenno in 646, records showthat itwas still being held into the 8th century. (Bernstein 2006:24, Ebersole 1989:156)

²² Tamashiro is a tablet that lists the deceased person’s name. Placed on a lover level ofthe kamidana, called the tamaya, it is a strict Shinto practice. Further information gives Encyclopedia Britannica: https://www.britannica.eom/topic/tamaya#ref122474 (last accessed: 2022/09/16)

²³ Generally, the coffin is directly brought to the cemetery, in bigger funerals like that of the imperial household or other state funerals, the coffin is first brought to a mourning hall and later to the cemetery. (Ohrt 1910:95)

²⁴ Usually held at the gravesite, in cases of a larger funeral the sôjô ni shiki in performed in the mourning hall. This is also when the procession participants present the tamagushi in front of the dead. (Ohrt 1910:96)

²⁵ While imperial funerals were held according to Buddhist practices, their bodies were not actually cremated after 1654. (Antoni 1991:222)

²⁶ In the Showa burial, it is marked with the Sino-Japanese reading hinkyu and portrays agenda point No. (1). (Antoni 1991:230).

²⁷ Temmu Tennos reign encompassed the years 673 to 686. He played an important role in the institution ofthe imperial household since he commissioned the Kojiki and Nihongi, thus underlining the legitimacy of the imperial household until today. Ironically, Buddhism was already established in court during his reign and his funeral was performed according to Buddhist practices. (Antoni 1991:229)

²⁸ For a detailed description of the service please refer to Antoni 1991: 230-232.

²⁹ Himiko is said to be a ruler of the ancient Japanese state of Yamatai in the 3rd century. The exact location of Yamatai as well as the existence of Himiko is controversial in academic circles. For further material on this topic the works of Jonathan Kidder (Himiko and Japan's elusive chiefdom of Yamatai, 2007) and Okamoto Kenichi (Yamataikoku ronso, 1995) among others can be helpful.

³⁰ Except of the time of insei, where it was common for emperors to resign on their own volition.

³¹ Chinese models and parallels can also be seen in the Daijosai, the central rite of enthronement of the newemperor. (Antoni 1991:227, Antoni 1988:182, Yoshino 1987)

³² According to Helene Hardacre the hiatus was between 1466 and 1687. (Hardacre 2017:74)

³³ The author remembers to have read this information in international and Japanese news sites, unfortunately the source could not be located.

³⁴ The official ceremonial calendar of2019 is attached in the appendix ofthis work.

³⁵ Kunaicho, Imperial Funerals, Accession to the Throne, Weddings, and other events: https://www.kunaicho.qo.ip/e-about/seido/seido10.html (last accessed: 2022/09/16)

³⁶ The date of his visit at Ise Jingu is marked as TBD, however news articles show that his visit was held on November 22nd, 2019. (see also: https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2019/11/8c00c718c21a- emperor-empress-visit-ise-shrine-after-enthronement-ceremonies.html , last accessed 2022/09/16)

³⁷ According to Japan Times, the visits at the Taisho and Showa Tenno mausolea were held on December 3rd. (see also: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/12/03/national/emperor-naruhito- imperial-mausoleums/, last accessed 2022/09/16)

³⁸ Nobushige lists the names Shin-sho-sai and Kanname Matsuri, however, throughout the author's research, Kanname sai was the most common terminology for the festival.

³⁹ Nobushige does not list the differences in his work, though the list of main ritual ceremonies of the website of the Kunaicho gives more information. (see also: https://www.kunaicho.go.jp/e- about/kyuchu/saishi/saishiO1.html, last accessed 2022/09/16)

⁴⁰ For comparisons the Hobonichi 2022 calendarwas used.

⁴¹ Skya described the organizational will as following: “Organizational will included man’s sokan and renzoku, the spatial-temporal matrix of social solidarity, and man’s essential Being, that inner force drawing man to his perfection.” (Skya 2002:240) It is highly advised to consult his work “Emperor, Shinto Ultranationalism and Mass Mobilization” from 2002 to understand the concepts of organizational will, spatial-temporal matrix of social solidarity and man’s essential Being, as the complex description of these would be out of scope for this research project.

⁴² Skya described the organizational will as following: “Organizational will included man’s sokan and renzoku, the spatial-temporal matrix of social solidarity, and man’s essential Being, that inner force drawing man to his perfection.” (Skya 2002:240) It is highly advised to consult his work “Emperor, Shinto Ultranationalism and Mass Mobilization” from 2002 to understand the concepts of organizational will, spatial-temporal matrix of social solidarity and man’s essential Being, as the complex description of these would be out of scope for this research project.

⁴³ The constitution of 1889 declares religious freedom, thus requiring the state to be impartial to any religion.

⁴⁴ “To counter gunboat diplomacy meant building a “wealthy country, strong army” (fukoku kyohei), to quote a popularslogan ofthe day.” (Bernstein 2006:16)