This paper provides a review of "Policy Actors and Institutions at Sub-National Level in Ethiopia: The Case of Oromia Regional State" by Nigussie Daba Heyi. The article aims to bridge the gap between theoretical knowledge of policy-making and the practical processes and practices that take place in the Oromia regional state of Ethiopia.
The article covers the roles of different actors involved in the process of public policy-making in Ethiopia, with a particular focus on the Oromia regional state. It assesses the levels of influence and participation of various actors in the policy formulation at the sub-national level. This article was published in the Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, Vol. 22, No. 2, 2020, and it provides clear and concise definitions of key policy concepts to aid readers' understanding.
The primary objective of this article is to examine the roles played by policy actors and institutions in the Oromia regional state. In addition, it explores other factors such as party politics, membership, ideology, policy analysis, and community participation. The article aims to identify the factors that affect the active participation of different policy actors in the policy-making process at the regional level.
An Article Review on the Topic: Policy Actors and Institutions at Sub-National Level in Ethiopia: The Case of Oromia Regional State
Authored by: Nigussie Daba Heyi, Ethiopian Civil Service University
Reviewed By: Mustefa Aman, Oromia State University
1. Introduction
The article talks about actors and their roles in the process of public policy making in Ethiopia with specific reference to Oromia regional state. It attempts to fill the gap between theoretical policy knowledge and actual policy making processes and practice. It assesses the influence and participation levels of various actors in the policy formulation at subnational level. The article was published on journal of sustainable development in Africa, V-22 NO-2, 2020. It provides broad background definition, process and what of public policy to facilitate easy understanding for the readers.
The main objective of the article was examining the role of policy actors and institutions in Oromia regional state. Alongside, it also explores about party politics, membership, ideology, and policy analysis and community participation. Further, it attempts to identify factors that affect active participation of different policy actors in the policy making process at the regional level.
2. Discussion of the Main Arguments
The author argues that the participation and influence level or roles of policy actors is so minimal in public policy making and implementation process in Ethiopia in general and in Oromia regional state in particular. He presents monopoly of single political party system, less awareness of actors on constitutional provisions, limited knowledge about the concepts of public policy process and its implementation, absence of policy research institutions and think tanks at the regional level and the likes as a reason for low role of policy actors.
In theory, active engagements of policy actors have paramount importance and contribution in creating effective and quality public policy. They can affect the preferences and actions of citizens. Further, many actors participation on policy can facilitate easy implementation. In this respect, the author however argues that it is only the official policy actors who completely dominating the policy are making process both at federal and Oromia regional state. Continuing his argument, the writer says, from among the official policy makers themselves, it is the executive leadership of federal government that is playing or taking lion's share in the policy making process in Ethiopia. This statement is also supported by Astbeha A. (2012), that the legislatures lack active role in policy making process. He believes that the central government's executive branch dominate the policy issue even at Oromia regional level. Due to this there is a growing perception among regional level policy actors that policy making is the prerogative of ruling party's federal executive.
The author asserts that there is little or low participation of many other policy actors. He says this happened mainly due to narrow political space and ruling party's ideology. In addition he also observed that the lawmaking and hence policy formulation is dominated if not totally taken over by the executives at the regional level.
The author shares the idea of Brown and Amdissa (2007), which policy making is top dawn, nonsystematic, non-participatory activity in Ethiopia. He finally concludes his claims by suggesting some solutions to enhance policy actors' influence and participation (their roles). To this end he puts forth that it is necessary to raise the understanding levels of policy actors, building the policy capacity of regional states, establishing and strengthening policy research institutions. This authors recommendation is also forwarded by Dereje(2016) with some variation and slight different expressions that it is necessary to nurture the policy perception(reconceptualization)and paying due emphasis to enhance participation of stakeholders.
In relation with what the writer argues, different authors and scholars more or less have similar beliefs and argument with the author. Many of them do support the writers claim which says ‘the roles played by actors other than the executive leadership is minimal in public policy matters in Ethiopia, in general and in Oromia regional state in particular. For instance, Dereje (2016) says that although the regional state policy mandates are known, its translation into practice is still insignificant. Further, Mulugeta A.(2005), in his dissertation which critically assessed institutions and roles of actors in public policy making in Ethiopia, has uncovered prominent policy actors and identified two institutions; the ruling party and top echelon of the executive leadership and non-government institutions as having disproportionate influence on the overall public policy process. The combined forces of party and executive leadership and their overwhelming dominance in policy making in Ethiopia was observed from early days of down fall of the monarchical rule to present EPRDF regime. Mulugeta supports the idea of party ideology which is also raised by the author of the article as being a critical element in guiding and justifying policy elite's claim on choice of public policies, the institutional and structural mechanisms of implementing them. Mulugeta went beyond what the article writer presents in listing major factors that have held down the participation of other actors. The prevalence of inhospitable political administrative and legal milieu, staggering financial, managerial and organizational capacity of the country (Ethiopia) has made other policy actors; such as a network of civil societies, various institutions, and the public to remain at the peripheral end in the continuum of public policy making. He summarizes by identifying formidable challenges in the policy making process in the country which is also partially shared by the author of the article into three thematic issues: the emergence and consolidation of party and executive leadership(policy elites) which has invariably overlapped with formally constituted policy making government structures, the ideology which has facilitated the choice of public policies and institutional instruments for implementing them, which in addition has also provided policy elites with the latitude to justify their claims on policy actions and served to preclude the non-state players from making legitimate claims on policy making. Lastly, the expansion of powers of the party and the executive which have taken place without corresponding development of extra-bureaucratic institutions (i.e., the election and functioning legislatures) and civil society associations led to the exclusion of the bulk of Ethiopian public from playing its legitimate role in the policy making process.
The other main reasons why the participation and influence of other actors and ordinary citizens remain low; as claimed by many authors is that they are highly disorganized and became busy with winning their daily survival needs. Hence the large public has little time to become fully and actively involved in holding government institutions accountable and responsive by articulating their policy demands to policy making institutions. Such sound argument however was not emphasized by the author.
The author, other than generally mentioning the less influences of the legislature in comparison with the executive leadership; did not present arguments and reasons like that of Mulugeta A. (2005) which clearly exposes the reality of current Ethiopian house of peoples representative case, ‘the legislatures appear to have become a facade of legitimacy for party and executive decisions and are detached from the society'.
The way forwards provided by the writer and other authors, particularly which pays emphasis to the necessity of developing and strengthening the capacity of policy research institutions and think tanks, the need for fostering professionalization in public policy is commonly shared by different authors.
As Mills (1995) puts forth, the very influence, dominance and pervasive roles of the executive leadership(policy elite) emanates from its decisive hierarchy in policy making structure, its position to run apparatus of government and its claims of prerogatives. Because, policy elites direct military institutions, maneuver power and economic wealth and as well occupy strategic command posts of social structure. In contrast with this, the writer generally indicated the narrow political space and overall control of policy matters by the ruling party leadership. That is to mean the article writes didn't deeply examined the power and influence sources of the executives in the policy arena.
On the other hand, Dye (1995) and Anderson (1997) believe that policies are hardly based on the demands and interests of the people. As they claim, policy elites normally see societal forces as passive, apathetic, and ill-informed and most often public sentiments are manipulated by elites. So it is observable that the policy elites may deliberately exclude participation of various policy actors because of such perspectives. In connection with this argument, the author simply presented general idea in the theoretical and conceptual part without specifically dealing with it in the main data presentation and discussion part of the article.
Saasa (1985) opines that the circumstances in most developing countries point to the fact that people are generally ill-informed about policy issues and hence apathetic. So political and bureaucratic elites shape mass opinion than masses shape the leaderships view. Saasa further adds that interest and civil society groups are fragmented and lack capacity to articulate their demands and there has been no climate conducive to promote the involvement of vibrant civil movement in the policy making process. He adds the fact that in some instances mechanisms of communicating with formally instituted policy making institutions are even absent. In this respect the writer mentioned the general provisions which FDRE constitution says about public involvement. However there is still gap in digging deep into how the constitutional rights are being actually practiced in reality.
Brinkerhoff and Crosby (2002) assert that the policy elites let controlled participation of actors by preempting autonomous initiatives on policy issues. To do so, they use their prerogative powers to induce and guide participation. The author remained silent regarding what type of policy actors' participation is encouraged and taking place in the regional state. Huntingstun (1976) buttressed the Brinkerhoff and crosby's idea that policy elites encourage public participation to ensure support for themselves and their policy initiatives. In relation with this argument; the writer mentioned nothing about encouragements being made by the executive leadership either at federal or regional state levels.
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- Citation du texte
- Mustefa Tola (Auteur), 2023, Article Review on "Policy Actors and Institutions at Sub-National Level in Ethiopia. The Case of Oromia Regional State", Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1349934
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