This paper will examine Australia's Strategic relations to the USA, Australia’s Strategic relations to China, as well as the Strategic relations of the USA and China.
Australia’s security, economic and political ties with the United States are fundamental to Australia's future. The previous government significantly intensified Australia’s relationship with the United States, and it is now in the best shape it has ever been in. In this regard, the smoothness with which the US alliance has transferred to the Rudd Government, is outstanding to the strength of the alliance that John Howard had recognized with the United States of America. This is a permanent legacy that will help Australia and hopefully the government in greater strategic relationships. In the past eleven and half years, both defence and economic ties were improved, with the Australia-United States treaty of Defence Trade Co-operation and United States-Australia free trade agreement correspondingly. Therefore, the Australia-US relationship should only strengthen in the next ten years built on shared values, interest, mutual respect and similar outlooks on global affairs.
In this regard, I would argue that Australia at the moment is more dependent on China for its growing economy but initiatives such as the annual bilateral strategic dialogue between both Countries which the previous government initiated last year is an important step towards developing closer security links in the future. I am also confident that Australia escalating economic relationships with China will coincide with the greatest dialogue on security matters, which should reflect shared mutual interests and values. On the other hand, the United States have been building the security umbrella in Asia-Pacific after World War II, from Japan and South Korea in the North, to Philippine, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand in the South to protect its security and interests in Asia-Pacific from communist threats like communist China.
The Alliance and Re-emergence of China
Research Paper
Topic: Strategic Relationship of Australia-USA-China
Introduction
This paper will examines the Australia Strategic relations to the United States of America, Australia‘s Strategic relations to China as well as the Strategic relations of United States of America and China. However, the Australia’s security, economic and political ties with the United States are fundamental to Australian’s future. The previous government significantly intensified Australia’s relationship with the United States and it is now in the best shape it has even been in. In this regards, the smoothness with which the US alliance has transferred to the Rudd Government, is outstanding to the strength of the alliance that John Howard had recognized with the United States of America, this a permanent legacy that will stand Australia and hopefully the government in greater strategic relationships. In the past eleven and half years, both defence and economic ties were improved with the Australia- United States treaty of Defence Trade Co-operation and United States Australia free trade Agreement correspondingly. Therefore, the Australia –US relationship should only strengthen in the next ten years built on shared values, interest, mutual respect and similar outlooks on global affairs. In this regards, I would argue that Australia at the moment is more dependent on China for its growing economy but initiatives such as the annual bilateral strategic dialogue between both Countries which the previous government initiated last year is an important step towards developing closer security links into future. I also have a confident that Australia escalating economic relationship with China will coincide with greatest dialogue on security matters which should reflect shared mutual interests and values. On the other hand, the United States has been building the security umbrella in Asia-Pacific after the World War II, from Japan and South Korea in the North, to Philippine, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand in the South to protect its homeland security and interests in Asia-Pacific from communist threat like communist China. China’s influence is rising after its economic reform. China has been the most important trade partner of Australia since 2007. Initially, when Australia seeks a wider bilateral interaction with China, It is expected that this have impact on the Australia-United States bilateral relations. However, the contents of Australia’s national interests and Australia’s foreign policies explored first. Then, the bilateral relationship between U.S. and Chins is examined for its impacts on Australia’s choice between U.S. and China. The Australia-U.S. relationship and Australia-China relationship are also examined respectively to understand the rationale behind Australia’s approach toward U.S. and China. Finally, I would argue that Australia’s strategic relationship are reviewed and possible choices for Australia will be explored in this research paper. Most importantly, the strategic choices made by Australia could be interpreted from the Australia –U.S. and China strategic triangular relationship.
Body
Australia-USA
Australian-US alliance is often described as being founded on shared values and bonds of friendship, but this ultimately means little without tangible evidence of collaboration. One of the fundamental situation of Australia and the US working together has been the defence relationship, the symbolic nature of which ensures an increasing array of information sharing, the backbone of Australia-US strategic relationship is, of course, the ANZUS alliance. Despite the fact that the NZ part of this famous acronym has disappeared from the picture, following New Zealand’s decision not to allow nuclear-armed vessels to use its ports, the alliance remains an integral part of Australia’s political landscape and a key component of US global strategy (Tow and Albinski 2002, 153). It is also well known, firstly, that Australia obtained this coveted agreement with the US in return for not objecting to a soft peace settlement with japan, and secondly, that the ANZUS treaty does not actually commit either side to do more than consult in the event of an armed attack and meet the common danger in accordance with its constitutional process (cited in Ball 2001, 251). Quite what this might mean in reality has never clear, but despite the rather expedient and flimsy nature of the agreement, it continues to occupy a central place in the minds and, more recently, actions of Australian policymakers. In the aftermath of the September 11th attacks on America, the ANZUS treaty was invoked for the first time ever by John Howard (Garran 2001).
Initially, this was a gesture loaded with greater symbolic than strategic significance, as Australia could add nothing material to American’s overwhelming and increasing military dominance ( see book brooks and Wohlforth 2002), but it was a gesture that continued an Australian tradition with a venerable heritage. In Korea, Vietnam, the Gulf and more recently Afghanistan, generations of Australian leaders have shown alacrity in support conflicts in which America was the major protagonist and in which Australia was part of the militarily marginal but ideologically indispensable supporting cast. There is no intention of reviewing the merits of these earlier conflicts here, but it is worth pointing out that the current head of Australia’s armed forces, General Peter Cost, has now conceded that although the Australia army acted in an honourable way, this is not to say that we did was sensible, taking the widest view (AFR 2001). Laudable as Cosgrove’s willingness to confront unpleasant historical realities may be, it simply highlights the importance of subjecting contemporary policies to greater scrutiny than they have generally received in the overwrought, post S11 atmosphere. However, undertaking such a task, it is important to say something about the more enduring aspects of Australia-US relationship generally and of ANZUS in particular.
Therefore, why do Australian policymakers attach such importance to ANZUS if it does not unambiguously guarantee American assistance one of the primary justifications for ANZUS and close military ties with US revolves to Des Ball (2001, 250) the UKUSA agreement, which oversees the procedure of the so called joint facilities or the intelligence gathering and command and control systems run by the US on Australian soil, is the most important agreement to which Australia is a party. Despite Australia defence planners having ostensibly moved to a more self –reliant defence posture, the rationale for both the continuing existence of the bases and for close ties with the US is that it provides access to intelligence and defence technology that would otherwise be beyond Australia’s reach. However, it is hard to say anything sensible about the intelligence benefits that are supposed to flow from the relationship, as they are not subject to public scrutiny. What we can say is that, faced with the sort of threat Australians patently did face in Bali, this sort of information was either inadequate or, as seems more likely, not acted upon (Walker 2002). On the other hand, current schemes beg important questions about the value of the bases to Australia. As far as access to technology that would otherwise be unavailable is concerned, the arguments seem more straightforward. Given that even the government’s own defence review concedes that Australia is potentially a secure nation besides, a direct attack on Australia is unlikely (CoA 2000, ix) the primary rationale for Australia investing in extremely expensive weapons systems that are designed to fight large scale conventional wars is predicted on maintaining interoperability in the event that Australia might have to fight alongside the US. In this regards, What Hugh White (2002, 257) demonstrated that Australia’s idiosyncratic strategic culture with a strong predilection to alliance, continues to lock Australia into ruinously expensive defence spending on equipment that is not in keeping with the reality of the threats Australia actually faces. Indeed, White (2002, 254) argues that it is Australia that is out of step with contemporary strategic realities. And that far from being an irresponsible free-rider, another two points that flow from Australia’s close strategic alignment with the US merit emphasis. First, in addition to doubts about the appropriateness of extremely high cost weapons systems, like the troubled Collins- class submarines and the proposed Joint Strikes Fighter program- which will commit Australia to an unproven system that already looks out of place in Australia’s rapidly evolving non-traditional, regional security environment( Barker 2002).
Australia-China
Australian- China strategic relationship following the establishment of diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China in 19972, Australia established an embassy in Beijing in 1973. The Australia-China bilateral relationship is based on strong economic and trade complementarities, a comprehensive program of high –level visits and wide-ranging cooperation in 2014, the Australian Prime Minister and Chinese president agreed to describe the relationship as comprehensive strategic partnership. Our bilateral political engagement is extensive, though both sides acknowledge that Australia and China have different histories, societies and political systems, as well as difference of view on some important issues. Australia’s political relationship with China is far less developed than its economic relationship ( Jakobson 2012a p.1). Both Australia and China are significantly committed to constructively managing differences if and when they arise. Therefore, Australia adheres to its one- China policy, which means it does not recognize Taiwan as a country. Australia-China political relations have a better opportunity in the future. This is because Australia-China relations have been free from major conflicts of strategic interests such as free from historical hostility and major outstanding problems, the cooperation foundations are mutually beneficial. However, Australia maintain unofficial contracts with Taiwan promoting economic and Traditional interests. Australia’s growing diplomatic network in China includes the embassy in Beijing and consulates in Shanghia, Guangzhou, Chengdu and Hong Kong, with a new consulates planned for Shenyang in 2018. However, there are also 11 Austrade offices across greater China, assisting Australian businesses to enter markets and promote Australia an investments, tourism and education destination. Australia state governments are represented in China’s leading commercial centers. Australia and China share around 100 sister-state/ province and sister-city relationships. The breadth of the bilateral relationship is also demonstrated by the range of consultation mechanisms that Australia and China have established to advance cooperation and manage differences. The Apex of this structure is the annual leader’s meeting between our Prime Minister and Chinese Prime Minister. Other Dialogues cover bilateral, regional and global issues, including foreign and strategic relations, trade and economic cooperation, international security, human rights, law enforcement, development cooperation, climate change and consular matters. The emergence of the Australia-China resources trade is the result of China’s rapid development. The effect of the resources trade with China changed Australia’s riches list and has translated into an increase in Australia’s real per capita disposal income (Eslak 2007) Significant developments in the bilateral relationship are often announced in joint statements after leader’s meetings or speeches by Australian Prime Minister including our international security engagement with China aims to improve mutual understanding, foster open communication and enhance cooperation. We have strengthened our defence relationship with China through senior high level of dialogue, educational exchanges, reciprocal naval ship visits, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief exercises. Law enforcement and related national security concerns, including on cyber issues and counter terrorism, is a growing areas of bilateral engagement as our level of economic and people to people exchange expands. Most importantly, the Ministerial and officials dialogues on these issues include a high level security dialogue with the Chinese Community party’s Central commission for political and legal Affairs, first held in April 2017.
[...]
- Quote paper
- Dr. John Chuol Muon (Ph.D.) (Author), 2020, The Strategic Relationship between Australia, the USA and China, Munich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1264808
-
-
-
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X.