The "family model" has changed significantly in recent years. More and more fathers are taking an active role in the care and upbringing of their children and parental leave is increasingly being shared between mothers and fathers.
What constitutes the "new" fathers and to what extent has a new understanding of their role been established with them? How is this trend portrayed in the media? What types of fathers are there?
Daniel Stachowiak takes a look at the development of the father role. He describes the obstacles that committed fathers have to face and explains how social work can help. His book is aimed at interested fathers, social workers/educators as well as managers, whom he recommends to make their companies family-friendly for fathers as well.
From the contents:
- Family Policy;
- Change of consciousness;
- understanding of roles;
- Equality;
- Fathers' work;
- Family income
Table of contents
1 Introduction
2 Family and family law through the ages
2.1 The development of the father role within the family since the end of the 18th century
2.2 The development of family law for the family
3 The new modernʽ Fathers in the 21st century
4 The Diversity of the Father Role – Typing Approaches in Family Research
4.1 The role of the father in the family after Fthenakis/Minsel (2002)
4.2 MannsBilder – A Decade of Men's Development after Zulehner (2003)
4.3 Fatherhood from the point of view of fathers – Subjective paternity concepts according to Matzner (2004)
4.4 New fathers – different children? Fatherhood, family triad and socialization after Bambey/Gumbinger (2006)
4.5 Summary
5 Obstacles and difficulties for committed fatherhood
5.1 Family income
5.2 mothers
5.3 Working environment and expectations
5.4 The insecurity of fathers
6 Father's work in social work
6.1 Professionalism in fathers' work
6.2 Approaches of Father's Work in Social Work
7 Fathers in family policy
8 Conclusion and outlook
Bibliography
1 Introduction
The 'model' family has changed significantly and in many ways over the last few years. There are more and more fathers who are actively involved in the care and education of their children. More and more often, mother and father divide the parental leave among themselves, so that fathers can also consciously spend more time together with their children. But who are these 'new' fathers? Possinger refers precisely to those 'new' fathers who take parental leave as 'new' (cf. Possinger 2013a, p. 15). "In fact, the parental allowance seems to have struck a nerve with [them], because the parental allowance applications of fathers have been rising continuously since 2008 and are currently at 27.3% nationwide" (Possinger 2013b, p. 7). Along with this, the role of fathers has become more and more important in recent years. This is because the attention and importance in the public media, in family research and in politics have increased significantly overall (cf. Jurczyk/Lange, 2009, p. 13). "In daily newspapers and magazines, 'new fathers' are regularly discussed, family policy calls on fathers to participate more actively in the care and education of their children, and creates appropriate legal framework [...] and also the scientific publications on this topic are increasing" (Mühling/Rost 2007, p. 9). Because you "[...] was suddenly ready to pay considerable and broad attention to the subject of "fathers" (Walter 2012, p. 671). But what makes the 'new' father anyway? According to Meuser, this is difficult to define. "The new father only turns out. The only thing that is clear so far is what it should not be: Sole breadwinner of the family" (Taffertshofer 2016, p. 9).
It is precisely at this point and due to the topicality within society that many new areas of responsibility and starting points in the field of social work arise.
In this bachelor thesis, the development of fathers is taken into account. First, the change in the role of father within the family in recent decades as well as the ongoing development in family law and the associated effects for fathers are explained. This serves as a basis for an understanding of the change to the current father role in the 21st century. Afterwards it is about the hype regarding modern fathers. How do this trend and the topicality in the media and society present themselves? In this context, an overview of the development of modern social models and the resulting definition approaches regarding the new father role are explained. In the following, this thesis presents approaches from the field of current family research that have dealt with the qualification of fathers into different father types. In the section afterwards, difficulties and obstacles to committed fatherhood are pointed out and described. The extent to which social work can build on these areas in the context of father's work is presented below. Afterwards, a brief insight into family policy with a special consideration of fathers is given. In the last chapter of this work, the most important results are summarized in a final analysis and an outlook for future developments is given.
2 Family and family law through the ages
"New Fathers", as a much-quoted term, describes a redesigned manifestation of fatherhood and indicates by the term "new" that there must have been a different and older traditional form of paternity (cf. Abel/Abel 2009, p. 235). "When pointing out today the strong change in the role of father, it must not be overlooked that, depending on the historical context, there have always been changes in the role of the father and in the functions of fatherhood [...] within the family" (Mühling/Rost 2007, p. 9). According to Bambey and Gumbinger, new models for parental roles are constantly emerging during change processes within a family, whereby it should be noted that the changes in the paternal role seem to be particularly pronounced (cf. Bambey/Gumbinger 2017, p.15). The Internet platform funded by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth Federal Forum Men states in a position paper that fatherhood and fatherhood have always not been a fixed quantity, but are in a process of constant change (cf. Federal Forum Men 2016, P. 9). These processes of change within society have accelerated considerably in recent decades (cf. ibid.). In the following chapter 2.1 a brief overview of formative and important changes in the historical change of the father role within the family since the end of the 18th century will be given. Social and family changes are also always accompanied by changes in family law. Through legal framework conditions in family law, politics has always tried to politically frame the social field in which fatherhood takes place (cf. ibid.). Chapter 2.2 summarizes an overview of significant changes in family law and the resulting consequences for the father.
From my point of view, a historical review is both meaningful and difficult at the same time. Because the "[...] An attempt to depict the father-child relationship in human history encounters a not overlooked lack of valid material" (Fthenakis 1985 a, p. 4).
However, it is important to begin with the historical course both with regard to the role of father and family law in order to be able to understand the development into the social model of the new father. Because who "[...] does not know the past, cannot understand the present and cannot shape the future.1 "
2.1 The development of the father role within the family since the end of the 18th century
Through social changes, such as industrialization in the 19th century, new ideal images of the bourgeois family emerged (cf. van Dülmen 1999, p. 244). The definitions of the term 'family' that are common in science either emphasise its group character or focus on the meaning of society as a whole (cf. Nave-Herz 2017, p. 302). "The concept of family, which we are familiar with today, which includes only the closer community of parents and children, does not appear until the end of the 18th century" (van Dülmen 1999, p. 13). According to Ecarius, Köbel and Wahl, however, the term 'family' should always take a historical look at the family forms of life in definition approaches (cf. Ecarius/ Köbel/Wahl 2011, p. 15). Because at "[...] Reflections on the historical development of the family make it clear that the institution of the 'family' can by no means be described as a historically homogeneous phenomenon" (ibid. p. 16). Historically, it can be stated that since the end of the 18th century the structure of a family has been in constant change (cf. van Dülmen 1999, p. 244). This change always has an impact on the triadic constellation of father-mother-child and thus always in a special way on sociological role expectations of parental role concepts within society (cf. Bambey/Gumbinger 2017, p.15). In each social role, certain behaviours are expected from society to the holder of this role, such as that of a father, in various situations (cf. Mogge-Grotjahn 2011, p. 100 et seq.). During such development processes of new role models, potential for conflict or uncertainty may well arise (cf. ibid.). For social work, starting points of professional father's work arise there. In this regard, I refer here to Chapter 6 of this work. According to Bertram, the role of father in our society has always been a social role that developed in the 19th century. It was a central element in the family way of life (cf. Bertram 2012, p. 46). Matzner defines the image of the father in connection with the social role as follows:
"The image of the father reflects how within a certain epoch and culture about fathers and about fatherhood was or is thought, spoken and written. Images of fathers can contain both stereotypes – i.e. the perceptions in society about the alleged thinking, feeling and acting of fathers – as well as ideal images of society about how fathers should think, feel and act." (Matzner 2001, p. 1).
In the historical context, there have been continuous and constant changes with regard to the role of the father and the functions of fatherhood within the family (cf. Mühling/Rost 2007, p. 9). A widespread view of the role of the man in the family of the 18th century was that as an authority figure, all other members of the family were hierarchically subordinate to him. Patriarchally, he makes all decisions concerning the family (cf. BMFSFJ 2006, p.6). It was also central to the effective functioning of the budget (cf. ibid.). At this time, the father-son relationship is considered more formative and important than marriage (cf. vaterfreuden.de).
In the course of the 19th century, the family structure changed dramatically. With industrialization, the man's gainful employment shifted from his own business within his own house to gainful employment outside the home. This spatial separation of work and living as well as a strict division of roles between man and woman strengthened the new family image (cf. Drinck 2005, p. 17). "Only now did the man begin to define himself primarily by his profession; men's margins of manoeuvre became narrower and other male behavioural patterns became necessary" (Trepp 1996, p. 47). Paternity changed increasingly and was largely reduced to the function of the breadwinner. This expectation of fathers could only be fulfilled through professional success (cf. Drinck 2005, p. 18). The first role model of the 'traditional' father began to assert itself in society. The typical traditional family was the parents with their children in a household. The distribution of roles was clearly regulated. The mother lovingly takes care of the children and the household. The father was responsible for the family income and thus secured the economic basis of the family (cf. Bertram 2011a, p. 11). "Nowadays, this family image appears to be traditional because it is lived less often than in the past" (Majdanski 2012, p. 29). "In the 20th century, the limitation to the role of breadwinner and the withdrawal of the father from the internal family space seem to have the character of an unquestionable fact for a long time" (Meuser 2012 a, p. 66). In a family, only the needs of the husband counted, at least according to the British magazine Housekeeping Monthly walked. In its edition of 13.05.1955 a handbook summarized behavioral guidelines for the good wife, which from today's point of view drew a bizarre moral picture of partnership in the 50s (cf. wissen.de).
The headline of this guide was: "Pamper him!" This was followed by various behavioral instructions for a good wife, such as: "Have dinner ready" [...], "Be cheerful, make yourself interesting for Him! He may need a little encouragement after a tiring day and it is your duty to ensure it" (cf. ibid.). With regard to the children, it was pointed out: "Make the kids chic. Take a few minutes to wash your hands and faces [...]. The children are their "little treasures" and that's how he wants to experience them. [...]" (cf. ibid.). Finally, there was the request: "Sacrifice yourself – HE is the boss!" (cf. ibid.). These excerpts described above clearly show the predominant family image of a traditional family in the 1950s. The climax for the model of the traditional family took place after the Second World War (cf. Majdanski 2012, p. 29). that Federal Forum for Men even refers to this point in time as a turning point (cf. Federal Forum Men 2017, P. 10). While until then the father had been regarded as patriarch and punishing the children, this self-image was radically questioned from the mid-1960s. A new parental norm gradually developed. Their own children were seen on an equal footing and violence and chastisement were replaced by love and emotional closeness. (cf. ibid.). "Parenting experts called on fathers to become comrades of their sons, to involve them in their sporting activities and hobbies, but not to change diapers or participate in housework" (Mühling/Rost 2007, p. 11). According to Possinger, this family model, which is now often regarded as 'classic', was already fragile in the 1960s (cf. Possinger 2013b, p. 10). "The dwindling skills gap between men and women and the structural changes in the labour market have thus destroyed the traditional male single earner model" (ibid., p. 11). As further reasons for this change, Fthenakis cites the shift in roles within the family and thus the departure from the traditional division of labour between men and women as well as the increased work activity and the general emancipation aspirations of women (cf. Fthenakis 1985b, p. 202). Also from Bertram's point of view, this old family form of the traditional family no longer has a future in this way. (cf. Bertram 2012, p. 46). In the course of this and a partnership oriented towards equal rights, the concept of 'new men' arose and, in the area of parental care, the concept of 'new fathers' (cf. Mühling/Rost 2007, p. 11).
"In summary, a historical review of the various roles and tasks assigned to fathers in society and in the family in the past clearly shows that in the course of history the role model of the father has not developed uniformly and straightforwardly" Ibid., p. 56
"It should be noted, however, that in recent years, especially in recent years, both the extent and the quality of the significant behavioural changes in fathers in relation to their children are beyond question" (cf. Fthenakis 1988, p. 201).
2.2 The development of family law for the family
Gerlach defines the function of family law in an article for the Federal Agency for Civic Education as follows:2
"Family law regulates various aspects of marriage and the family. This includes tasks within the family, including the parent-child relationship up to the equal rights of the spouses. In this way, family law also promotes socially desirable behaviour." (Gerlach 2015, p. 1).
Family law "[...] embosses, supports, reinforces or mitigates role models" (BMFSFJ 2013, p. 234). These statements clearly show that family law always reacts to the current guiding models of the respective time and tries to create appropriate frameworks for design. According to Peschel-Gutzeit, however, when considering the change in paternity to the new fathers, the changes in the legal framework of the father role are usually ignored (cf. Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 47). In his opinion, it is precisely these who significantly determine the relationship between father and child or father and mother within the family in the detail of the way of life (cf. ibid.). Consequently, it is important to point out the legal changes with regard to fathers in a closer look at the change in the role of father. According to Marthaler, the history of family law begins with the coming into force of the Civil Code (BGB) on 01.01.1900 (cf. Marthaler 2009, p. 21). The guiding model for the coexistence of man and woman at that time was the so-called housewives - or Utility marriage (cf. John/Stutzer 2002, p. 216). This then valid gender order regulated, among other things, the distribution of tasks in a marriage (cf. ibid.). The man was obliged by law to provide for the financial provision of the family, while the woman had to take responsibility for the household and the children (cf. ibid.). "Despite the increasing non-domestic professional activity as breadwinner of the family, the father lost [...] not its dominant position vis-à-vis its wife and children' (Matzner 2001, p. 1). The patriarchal position of the man within the family became visible in many areas of decision-making power. As patriarchs, the BGB attributed to him a kind of autocracy (cf. Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 48). For example, the husband was allowed to decide whether the wife was allowed to work (see John/Stutzer 2002, p. 216). Only if the interests of the family and the husband were safeguarded and the husband gave his consent, the wife was allowed to pursue a profession (cf. ibid.). In addition, the husband always had the right to terminate this employment relationship (cf. ibid.). Also with regard to the position of the parents vis-à-vis the children, the father as head of the family was the only decision-maker (cf. Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 47). The father had exclusive personal power over his children (cf. Meder 2013, p. 176). "As a result, he was able to completely exclude the mother from dealing with her children [...]. In principle, there were no possibilities for the mother to obtain visitation rights" (ibid.). Also in the field of education, the father had a superior position. The mother's opinion was practically and legally secondary (cf. Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 48). "The father was the owner of the main power, the secondary power of the mother was limited to the personal care. In the event of conflict, the opinion of the father took precedent" (ibid.). In addition, the father was legally granted the right to the use of "appropriate breeding products" as a method of educating his children (cf. ibid.).
Around the beginning of the 1920s, there was a gradual appreciation of the role of women and mothers, but mostly only within a few urban milieus. This was accompanied by the slowly increasing idea of women's emancipation (cf. Matzner 2001, p. 3). Matzner also noted:
"The "[...] Taking on "male" tasks during the war and post-war periods also had the effect of elying the position of the woman and mother within the family. Even if the husband and father continued to be, at least outwardly, the head of the family." Ibid.
With the end of the Second World War and the entry into force of the Basic Law in 1949, the legislature was given the task of reforming family law regulations (cf. Gerlach 2015, p. 5). However, the image of marriage based on the principle of equality in the Basic Law was not fully implemented until much later (cf. ibid.). One result of this amendment to the legislature was the first Equal Opportunities Act of 1958. However, a complete equality of husbands and wives had not been achieved (cf. ibid.). Furthermore, the BGB proceeded from the obligation of the woman to manage the household. However, she was allowed to pursue a profession independently if this was compatible with her duties in marriage and the family (cf. ibid.). Violence as a method of education was still very present. Thus, the mothers now also obtained by law the right to chastise their children. "Parental authority was now available to both parents" (ibid.).
In the year "[...] In 1977, the model of "housewife marriage" was abolished within the BGB of the Federal Republic of Germany" (John/Stutzer 2002, p. 216). The Marriage Law Reform Act of 1976 paved the legally secure path to a marriage based on partnership (cf. Gerlach 2015, p. 5f). "The law brought fundamental upheavals to the relationship between the spouses [...]" (Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 49). The spouses "must now be equally considerate of each other and of the family" (John/Stutzer 2002, p. 216). In the area of divorce law, the approach of fault has been abandoned. Each spouse now had the right to apply for divorce if the marriage was broken (see Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 50).
The road to non-violent education, however, began in 1979 with the reform of the right of parental care. With this reform, the state set in motion a process that redefined the relationship and the model of the parent-child relationship (cf. Gerlach 2015, p. 7). The new rules brought about the change from the principle of parental authority to the principle of parental care and the prohibition of the use of degrading educational measures (cf. ibid.). However, the wording was quite imprecise, so that the indefinite concept of "degrading educational measure" in the law was extended by an addition. The legislature supplemented the text of the law with the addition that "in particular physical and mental abuse" were inadmissible (see ibid.). The right of children was only finally strengthened in 2000 with the "Law for the Outlawing of Violence in Education". All children now have the right to a non-violent education (cf. ibid., p. 8).
The change in the importance of the father in the family is quite impressive in the change in the regulation of custody (cf. BMFSFJ 2006, p. 8). "While until the middle of the 19th century custody was typically transferred to the father in the event of a divorce, the children were now usually awarded to the mother" (ibid.). The truly equal parental care of their child was only obtained by both legitimate parents with the child law reform of 16.12.1997 (cf. Peschel-Gutzeit 2009, p. 50). This major reform "now contains the principle that both legitimate parents have equal custody from the birth of the child and remain so if they separate permanently or their marriage is divorced" (ibid.).
3 The new modernʽ Fathers in the 21st century
The historical review summarized in chapter 2 shows the development of the family and fatherhood up to the 21st century. A constant change that continues to this day and where at no time in the course of history has there been a precisely defined role of the man (cf. BMFSFJ 2006, p. 12). The changed gender ratio, among other things due to the legal equality of women and the associated increased participation of women in gainful employment, makes it necessary to modernise the understanding of the role of parenthood (cf. Gumbinger/Bambey 2009, p. 195). "The patriarchal family structures are increasingly changing into partnership and egalitarian relationship patterns with growing negotiation processes on family matters" (ibid.). In society, the traditional understanding of fathers as the sole breadwinner of the family is increasingly rejected as no longer up-to-date (cf. Meuser 2012a, p. 64). Gumbinger and Bambey describe the change from a traditional father figure to a new father as a process of social modernization.
"Against this background, the change in the role of father is embedded in processes of social modernization. Above all, the shift in the role of father from the family breadwinner to the educator, the greater participation of fathers in household and family work, the questioned paternal authority and the new models of committed fatherhood are regarded as signs of a fundamental change." (Gumbinger/Bambey 2009, p. 196).
"In recent years, the concept of the 'new' father has increasingly appeared in the discussion. This is associated with a new, positive paternity that differs significantly from the well-known traditional father" (Matzner 2001, p. 5). The word "new" aims at a change from paternity and paternity towards the inclusion of the father in the inner family life and the emotional and actual care of his children (cf. Wolde 2007, p. 251). But how is the new father role defined? What are the hallmarks of the 'new fathers' and which models have become entrenched in society? Bambey and Gumbinger describe the characteristics of the so-called new paternity as an increased and diverse commitment of fathers in the context of a more emotional father-child relationship as well as a stronger family orientation with an increasingly egalitarian understanding of partnership (cf. Bambey/Gumbinger 2017, p. 15). As in the introduction, I would like to mention Meuser at this point, who explained in an interview with the DJI that the new father role only turns out to be (cf. Taffertshofer 2016, p. 9). The only thing that is certain is what role the new father should no longer play, namely that of the sole breadwinner of the family (cf. ibid.). According to Meuser, paternity had developed over time from a default to a task (cf. Meuser 2006, p. 134). A task that requires a conscious decision of the fathers. Fathers must actively choose to be a "new father" (cf. Wolde 2007, p. 252). This is "determined by acting as a Father" (ibid.).
Public media can also contribute to the model of the new father role. "The 'new fathers' are in demand" (Possinger 2009, p. 56). The increased interest of the media for the new father is noticeable. The increased coverage of the modern image of the father is presented predominantly positively and optimistically (cf. ibid.). The media often show a picture of the father, who appears far more committed, caring and emotional (cf. BMFSFJ 2006, p. 12). Headlines like The country has new fathers 3, Success story new fathers 4, Part-time housemen 5, Are fathers the better mothers? 6 and Dad is the greatest 7 are a few selected examples that propagate and reflect an image of active and "new" fathers. For Lenzen, however, the 'new' father exists predominantly on the media and discourse level, less so in reality (cf. Lenzen 1991, p. 239ff). In social science publications, various terms are used to describe change. Some refer to the new father type as the 'new father' or the 'modern father'. Others define this type of father as a "committed father" or even as an "egalitarian father" (cf. Janzen 2010, p.16). No matter which name is chosen, there is no question that the role of fathers in families has visibly changed compared to previous generations (cf. Bergmann 2002, p. 5). Fathers want to spend more time with their children and participate more in their lives (cf. ibid.). It is also a fact that "[...] the number of fathers who strive for more contact with their children is growing" (Martin 1979, p. 41). "Even if men's attitudes towards fatherhood have become more modern, this is not automatically reflected in a modern practice of "new paternity" (Possinger 2013, p. 8).
Furthermore, the role of the father in the 21st century as breadwinner in the family has not become obsolete, but there has long been a wide variety of other father types (cf. Bambey/Gumbinger 2006, p. 26). The fathers deal in very different ways with the social expectations of the 'new' Father (cf. ibid.). "These expectations are high: He should be actively, competently and emotionally involved in raising children and act in partnership" (ibid.). According to Abel and Abel, there has been an appreciation in the social function of the father (cf. Abel/ Abel 2009, p. 231). However, this appreciation does not necessarily mean that the normative expectation of roles as the breadwinner of the family has been devalued (cf. ibid.).
"Thus [the fathers] perceive that the model of the father as a family breadwinner is still the dominant pattern of interpretation in the institutions adjacent to the family, in the law in the welfare state guarantees, on the labour market. On the other hand, they are called upon to spend more time with their children, to take care of their children." (Wolde 2007, p. 284).
Possinger notes that the former mission statement of the father as breadwinner has not been completely replaced by a new mission statement, but that this mission statement has only opened up to new variants (cf. Possinger 2015, p. 140). As a yardstick for a new paternity, the parental leave taken by fathers is often used as a basis (cf. ibid., p. 149). From Possinger's point of view, it is only the experience of fathers to provide for the children on parental leave predominantly on their own responsibility and to have to take care of the household that creates the prerequisite for long-term and partnership-based parenthood (cf. ibid.). It remains to be noted that there is currently no normatively binding and uniform image of fathers on which fathers can orient themselves (cf. Matzner 2001, p. 4).
"Therefore, every father must find his own definition of what fatherhood means to him and how he wants to live it. Fathers have to deal with exemplified and perceptible designs of fatherhood and form their own concept of fatherhood from them." (Fuhrmans/von der Lippe/Fuhrer 2012, p. 301).
According to Bambey and Gumbinger, the change to a rather egalitarian role concept leads to an extremely multifaceted spectrum of paternal role designs (cf. Bambey/Gumbinger 2017, p. 17). In the field of fathers' research, it is precisely this multifaceted nature that is increasingly coming into focus. In recent studies, attempts have been made to typify the changed paternity. In the following chapter, four research papers with this focus on the typification of the father role are presented.
4 The Diversity of the Father Role – Typing Approaches in Family Research
The view of fathers in the field of family research has only a short history (cf. Seiffge-Krenke 2016, p. 5). Since the beginning of family research about 90 years ago, the research focus was initially mainly on the 'mother-child relationship'. For about 40 years we have been researching fathers (cf. ibid.). In these works, however, violence and abuse of fathers in the relationship with their children were mainly addressed (cf. ibid.). On the other hand, how fathers who did not integrate into this group behaved in a 'normal' family structure and what the father-child relationship and the paternal role within the family looked like was initially ignored in family research (cf. ibid., p. 6). It was not until 1985 that this changed. Fthenakis judged with his second volume fathers 8 for the first time a look at the role of fathers in different family structures (cf. Meuser 2012a, p. 68). Fthenakis described the social change during this period as a 'soft revolution', in which the organisation and division of roles within the traditional family changed (cf. Fthenakis 1985b, p. 3). In particular, he described the importance of the father in relation to various family forms, which have gained considerably in diversity as a result of social change (cf. ibid., p. 4 et seq.). In this context, as early as 1985 he referred to the importance of a "[...] extended definition of paternity, which, in addition to the role of breadwinner, also includes the direct participation of the father in the care and education of children" (ibid., p. 4). He also recognized the need to anchor fathers' research as part of family research in order to gain appropriate insights into fathers and their role within the family (cf. ibid.).
"At present, it is possible to [...] observe a growing social science attention to the position of the father in the family and to the change of fatherhood" (Meuser 2009, p. 79). In the field of social science and sociological research, one can perceive an accumulation of scientific publications on the subject of fatherhood for more than ten years (cf. Fthenakis/Minsel 2002a, p. 13).
However, in Matzner's view, the aim of this research is often to obtain general statements about 'the' father (cf. Matzner 2004, p. 17). However, this mostly applied macro perspective on "the Father" is not sufficient due to the diversity and importance of the father role (cf. ibid.).
"There is no such time as 'the man' or 'the' father. Men differ in their ideas from the role of the man or the role of the father. This becomes clear when looking at the results of studies that have tried to "identify father types" [...] (BMFSFJ 2006, P. 34).
With a view to the question of this bachelor thesis, four father research papers are presented below, which have dealt specifically with the diversity of the 'new' fathers and their father roles. Among other things, it dealt with the participation of the father in the upbringing of children, the change of family models and the diverse typology of paternity concepts (cf. Fthenakis/Minsel 2002, Zulehner 2003, Matzner 2004 and Bambey/Gumbinger 2006). because:
"Typologies such as those of Matzner (2004) or of Gumbinger and Bambey 2006 provide clues to the diversity of paternities today, including the contradictions between intention and implementation in everyday life that partly determine them" (Jurczyk/Lange 2009, p. 25).
Due to the complexity of the various researches, not all results and findings can be presented in detail. Therefore, the important part of the typification of the fathers in the different father roles is presented and explained in each case. Subsequently, the individual results of the typing are compared with each other and compared.
4.1 The role of the father in the family after Fthenakis/Minsel (2002)
The study funded by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth (BMFSFJ) The role of the father in the family aimed to examine the role of father in the family development process from the point of view of both fathers and children (cf. Fthenakis/Minsel 2002a, p. 34). This representative study was carried out within three years on the basis of surveys using a questionnaire (see Fthenakis/Minsel 2002b, p. 1). Men and fathers in different stages of life (e.B. childless or father-to-be) were sometimes interviewed several times during the family change (e.B. survey before and after the birth of the child) (cf. ibid.).
Fthenakis and Minsel based their study on the assumption that the idea of the father role had developed long before fatherhood (cf. Fthenakis/Minsel 2002a, p. 92ff). On this individual level, the attitude that fathers have to their paternity had a significantly controlling function (cf. Werneck/Rollett/ Pucher/Schmitt/Nold 2012, p. 327). "Attitudes are important behavioral dimensions that are acquired through learning processes and can therefore also be changed" (ibid., p. 328). However, the possibility of changeability also depends on the solidified strength of this attitude (cf. ibid., p. 328). For example, if "[...] the social acceptance of the participation of fathers in childcare tasks is generally well advanced today, it will be difficult for a father who derives his attitude to it from a very traditional family of origin to adopt a role model that corresponds to the concept of "new fathers" [...]" (ibid.).
The concept of paternity was examined with the help of four stable dimensions: the social (e.B. make sure that the child can assert himself against others), the economic (earn the livelihood of the family), the instrumental function (e.B.dem child impart knowledge and general education) and the willingness of the father to postpone the professional career in favor of paternity (e.B. postpone the profession in the period immediately after the birth of the child) (cf. ibid., p. 2 and Werneck/Rollett/Pucher/Schmitt/Nold 2012, p. 329). The data collected supported the assumption that there were other paternity concepts compared to the traditional image of fatherhood (cf. Fthenakis/Minsel 2002b, p. 2). After evaluating the surveys, a clear ranking of the functions was shown. In the first place, the Social Function of the father. Followed by the Economic and in third place of the Instrumental function. the Career renunciation on the other hand, plays a subordinate role among the respondents (cf. BMFSFJ 2006, P. 25).
[...]
1 Helmut Kohl: Bundestag speech of 1 June 1995 on the history of expulsion, plenary minutes 13/41 of 01.06.1995, p. 03183.
2 The limitation to the area of 'family' is based on the topic of this bachelor thesis and means 'parents with children in marriage'. In addition, the focus is on the change of the father role within the family. The post-war analysis is limited to the area of the Federal Republic of Germany. Further explanations would go beyond the scope of this work.
3 In: Tagesspiegel, 29.10.2008
4 In: Emma, Jan./Feb. 2009, p. 28ff
5 In: Eltern, Jun./ 2014, p. 65ff
6 in: Der Spiegel, No. 52, 19.12.2015
7 In: Eltern family, April/ 2017, p. 22ff
8 cf. Fthenakis 1985b
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