Controversies over religious issues are not only interdenominational as they can also be intra-faith. These arise from concepts and matters that are crucial to better understanding of a particular religion and effective discharge of one’s obligations as an adherent of such a religion. Such issues which abound in Islam include those on religious identifiers such as the cap and the Hijāb. A lot has been written on the Ḥijāb, Niqāb and Khimār as an identifier of a female Muslim without giving attention to the cap which is identified with her male counterpart. This study therefore probed into controversies expressed by some selected Yoruba Muslim groups on the use of cap during Ṣalāt. This is with a view to ascertaining the right perspective of Islam on the position of cap in Ṣalāt. The study employed purposive sampling technique in selecting thirteen (13) scholars for interviews from six out of the eight sampled Muslim groups which are the Tijāniyyah, the Qādiriyyah, the Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria (MSSN), the Muslim Congress (TMC), Tacāwunul- Muslimīn , the Tablīgh Brotherhood, the Izālah and the Zumrah. Also, two thousand four hundred and seventy (2,470) members of these eight groups were randomly sampled as questionnaire respondents. The data generated from the respondents’ responses was analysed in Chi square and simple percentages using SPSS while their views were critically examined using the Qur’ān and Sunnah. In spite of inter-group differences noticed in the expressed views, there were also intra-denominational disagreements which point to the elasticity and flexibility of Islamic Jurisprudence on non-fundamental issues (furūc ) Such as this. As such, differences in the juristic views expressed on the use of the cap during Ṣalāt should be utilized by Muslims to facilitate better understanding of Islam on them rather than allowing it to breed disunity and disharmony , considering the fact that the head is not the part of the ‘awrah which must be covered by a male worshipper in Ṣalāt.
A CRITICAL INQUIRY INTO DISPOSITIONS OF SELECTED YORUBA MUSLIM GROUPS
TO THE USE OF CAP DURING SALᾹT
BUSARI Moshood Olaniyi (Ph.D)
Department of Religious and Cultural Studies,
University of Port-Harcourt, Rivers, Nigeria
Abstract
Controversies over religious issues are not only interdenominational as they can also be intra-faith. These arise from concepts and matters that are crucial to better understanding of a particular religion and effective discharge of one’s obligations as an adherent of such a religion. Such issues which abound in Islam include those on religious identifiers such as the cap and the Hijāb. A lot has been written on the Ḥijāb, Niqāb and Khimār as an identifier of a female Muslim without giving attention to the cap which is identified with her male counterpart. This study therefore probed into controversies expressed by some selected Yoruba Muslim groups on the use of cap during Ṣalāt. This is with a view to ascertaining the right perspective of Islam on the position of cap in Ṣalāt. The study employed purposive sampling technique in selecting thirteen (13) scholars for interviews from six out of the eight sampled Muslim groups which are the Tijāniyyah, the Qādiriyyah, the Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria (MSSN), the Muslim Congress (TMC), Tacāwunul- Muslimīn, the Tablīgh Brotherhood, the Izālah and the Zumrah. Also, two thousand four hundred and seventy (2,470) members of these eight groups were randomly sampled as questionnaire respondents. The data generated from the respondents’ responses was analysed in Chi square and simple percentages using SPSS while their views were critically examined using the Qur’ān and Sunnah. In spite of inter-group differences noticed in the expressed views, there were also intra-denominational disagreements which point to the elasticity and flexibility of Islamic Jurisprudence on non-fundamental issues (furūc ‑) Such as this. As such, differences in the juristic views expressed on the use of the cap during Ṣalāt should be utilized by Muslims to facilitate better understanding of Islam on rather than allowing it to breed disunity and disharmony , considering the fact that the head is not the part of the ‘awrah which must be covered by a male worshipper in Ṣalāt.
Keywords: Yoruba Muslim groups, Controversies, Religious identifiers, Juristic views, cAwrah
Background to the Study
There are a number of Islamic emblems and identifiers which have become popularised among Muslims so much that they are valued more than fundamental principles of Islam which, in the first instance, brought about their use in the religious realm. One of such identifiers is the cap, the user of which is often identified as a committed Muslim without considering other important qualities of a Muslim. Knowledge of fundamental issues such as the position of Islam on identifiers like this constitutes the requirements of being a Muslim.
Related Literature
A cap, according to Oxford Dictionary, is a soft, flat hat with a curved part at the front which is called a peak. According to this source, a cap is usually worn by men and boys. In another dimension, Oxford also perceives cap as a special hat worn as part of a uniform.1 These two definitions among others are more relevant to our object of description. In Arabic, using the language of David Cowan, the cap is known as Qalansuwah, the plural of which is Qalānis.2 As far as this research is concerned, the origin of the cap as a common noun cannot be specifically traced except one goes into different types of cap which are traceable to different tribes and groups to which the names are always ascribed. Thus, a little probe may be necessary into the origin of some types of the cap.
The first type of Islamic cap in this discourse is popularly known as at-Tarbush. This cap has been a symbol of Islam or Islamic identity among Muslims world over, from the time immemorial. For example, it is known among the Muslims of South Asia as the Rumi Topi (Roman cap). Similarly, it showed the Indian Muslims the support for the caliphate under the leadership of 'Uthman Emperor. Subsequently, it became associated with the Muslim League, a political party which later created the country known today as Pakistan. To further emphasize this popularity of at-Tarbush, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was one of the few people who wore the Tarbush until his death in 2003.3 In Indonesia, the country which has the largest population of Muslims in the world, the Tarbush is called Peci in Bahasa Indonesia and it is black in colour with a more ellipse shape and sometimes decorated with embroideries. This is being used in various religious ceremonies and formal occasions by government officials.4
The 'Uthman Turks adopted the Tarbush from the Greeks during their conquest of Byzantine Anatolia. During the reign of Sultan Mahmud Khan ll, when an European code of dress gradually replaced the traditional robes of the people, it did not in any way affect or extend to the Tarbush. The introduction of European cap did not meet the requirement that men should press their heads on the ground when praying. Thus, the Sultan issued a royal decree that the Tarbush in a modified form would become part of the formal attire of the Turkish Empire, irrespective of the subjects' religious sects or milets.5
Apart from at-Tarbush, another type of cap which is in vogue among Muslims is known as Taqiyah or Tagiyah.6 This type of cap is a short and rounded one worn by Muslim men, but it also has its equivalence in a long and differently designed caps always attributed to the Northern part of Nigeria. As the name Tagiyah sounds, it is our argument that it is an adulterated version of the Arabic word "Taqiyy", meaning a pious and hence "cap of the pious", and an identity of the Muslims. Taqiyah as a type of Muslim cap is also popular among Arab Muslims who wear it in different colours and on different clothe designs and attires. It has been observed among the Arabs and others that if Taqiyah is worn alone, especially the short type, it can be of any colour but when worn under something like scarf or turban, it is always white.7 Apart from other purposes which the Taqiyah serves, it is commonly called a prayer cap in English mainly because many Muslims wear it during Jumu'ah or during daily prayers either at home or in the mosque.8
It may be of significance to know that the small type of Taqiyah cap is known by different names in various parts of the Muslim world and it takes different shapes, designs and comes in different textures. For example, it is called Topi in Pakistan and Indian and Kufi in the United States and Britain.9 Topi and Kufi as the prayer cap is known as an African name purely and simply employed because Muslims of African descent are the largest community of Muslims in the United States at 34.6% of its population.10 p>In Afghanistan, the cap is popular as Pakol and it is in the form of a wool beret. In Russia and Malaysia, this same cap is known as Tubeteika and Songkok respectively. As for the Somalians, the cap is of cotton texture called Koofiyad.11
Statement of the Problem
The cap as an Islamic identifier is of various types with different names such as Taqiyyah and Tarbush. Of course, the form and type of each depends on the purpose it is designed to serve. Thus, as some are basically for political identity, others are purely for military use. There are some others which are known with Muslims during Salāt as well as for general use. Unlike the Hijāb, its counterpart identifier, the cap has not enjoyed the interest of researchers as regards its relevance and significance in the spiritual lives of the Muslims. This study, therefore, critically investigated the controversies expressed by some Yoruba Muslim groups on the use of cap during Ṣalāt. This is with a view to ascertaining the correct perspective of Islam on the status and position of the cap as it affects a male worshipper, be it the ’Imām or a ma’mūm or both during Ṣalāt.
Research Methodology
The study employed both qualitative and quantitative approaches to examining the dispositions of the Yoruba Muslims on the use of cap during Ṣalāt. Purposive sampling technique was adopted in selecting eight Muslim organizations for this study while a random sampling technique was employed to select members of these organizations for the interviews and the administration of the designed questionnaire .The data generated from the questionnaire was analysed in Chi square and simple percentages using SPSS. Similarly, the responses of the interviewees were subjected to critical fiqh examination using the Qur’ān and Sunnah.
Yoruba Muslims and the use of Cap During Salāt
This segment is dedicated to examining different issues on the use of cap as an identifier and the divergent views expressed by the members of the eight Islamic groups, over its use from fiqh perspective. Basically, six significant and major issues which bother on the place and position of the cap during Salāt would be investigated.
The first issue is on whether the use of cap during prayer has any basis in Islam or not. This important question does not follow a specific pattern or trend in responses elicited from respondents and the people interviewed. Of course, the obvious nature of the responses is that no religious group has all its members agreed on a particular position. Although certain number of them agreed that the use of cap during Ṣalāt has a basis in Islam, another set of the respondents also disagreed.
From the responses of our respondents on whether the use of cap during Salᾱt has basis in Islam or not, it is revealed that most respondents from TMC agreed with this while majority of respondents from Zumrah, Tablῑgh, Izᾱlah, Ta‘ᾱwun, Tijᾱniyyah, Qᾱdiriyyah, MSSN disagreed with the supposition. The reactions of respondents to this fiqh issue are represented as follows:
Cross tabulation of Religious Groups and The use of cap in Salat has no basis in Islam
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As for the justification for either agreeing or disagreeing on this issue, it has been established that the cap in general is very significant in the religious realm especially when it comes to worship. This assertion affirmed itself in the fact that there is hardly a congregational prayer that does not attract the use of cap among worshippers and especially by the Imam. It is in this regard that some Muslims believe that the use of cap during such an act of worship like Salāt is compulsory and an integral part of the prayer itself. This opinion is expressed by a Zumrah scholar when interviewed as follows:
It is good to wear the cap and as a matter of compulsion for both the Imam and the ma’mūm. Whoever does not use cap in a congregational prayer (Salāt) should be at the last Ṣaff row.12
A TMC scholar also strengthens this opinion thus:
It is compulsory for the Imam and the ma’mūm to wear a cap during Salᾱt. The analogy is like the displeasure of a poor man or poor men among the rich. How will there be balanced interpersonal relationships? 13
In a similar development, another TMC scholar who belongs to the school of thought that says worshippers without caps should not stay on the first row in a congregational prayer argues that by so doing, due honour is given to Islam and the Salᾱt itself.14 These views are considered as the reactionaries’ and the traditionalists’ who, by principle, jealously guard the legacies of Islam through their consideration of the gate of Ijtihād closed.
Apart from the above, there are other views which we consider as supporting the non-conformists who are diametrically opposed to the stance of the reactionaries concerning the closure of the gate of Ijtihād. These views are a little bit flexible and elastic compared to the views expressed by the traditionalists. Such jurisprudential views on the cap as an identity of Muslims are expressed by a Tijāniyyah scholar whose opinion is that the Prophet (S.A.W.) never left his head uncovered; he either used cap or turban. The Hujjah once brought by the Prophet (S.A.W.) for not using the cap was the fact that he used his cap as sutrah, though not that valid a tradition. To leave the head uncovered during Salᾱt is makrūh (disallowed). So, it is encouraged for the Imᾱm and the ma’mūm to use the cap while praying but its non-use does not invalidate their Salat.15
To further strengthen the views of the reactionaries on the use of the Cap during Salāt, it becomes relevant also to state that a TMC scholar sees the cap as an adornment of religion which should not call for the condemnation of non-users in any way. As for the Imᾱm and the ma’mūm, it is only desired to use the cap while praying. Apart from this, no Ṣaff (row) should be reserved for cap wearers during a congregational Salāt. Wearing of cap is not special at all as a member of the Muslim Congress (TMC). I can remember that in a mosque, about ten years ago, I was sent to the back Saff after I had made the Iqᾱmah.16
This is also expressed in a different way by a Zumrah scholar as follows:
Cap is just a beauty of Islam the non- use of which does not invalidate one’s Salᾱt. Generally in our society, Muslims who use cap are often looked down upon as uncivilized.17
For another group of Muslims, the first row should be occupied by cap users. The implication of this is that the Imām and other worshippers on the first row must have their caps on, irrespective of types and designs. This view is not different at all from the one before it except that it puts worshippers on the first row on the same level with the Imām in the use of the cap during a congregational Salāt. Another person reacted to this like a progressive Zumrah scholar by saying that the use of cap does not add to the value of any Salāt observed with it, be it as the Imām or as followers on the first row. Cap should not also compulsorily go with turban because the use of cap adds no value to Salāt except that it is an identity common to both Muslims and non- Muslims.18
Another prominent issue investigated is on the validity of the congregational prayer led by the Imām with or without a cap. As the person who is followed by other worshippers in a congregation, what contribution does his cap make to the validity of the congregational prayer led by him?This also leads to that of the worshippers praying behind him with or without caps, and by extension, a male worshipper who is praying alone. As in the first issue, respondents within and across the groups reacted to the issue differently. As some attribute the use of cap by the Imam to the validity of the congregational prayer which he leads, others see no value added to the congregational prayer, just by using a cap.
To be more specific, a breakdown of the perception of respondents on whether the use of cap by the Imᾱm enhances the validity of congregational Salāt reveals that a large proportion of the respondents from Tablῑgh, TMC, MSSN, Ta‘ᾱwun were in support of the view that the use of cap by the ’ Imᾱm enhances the validity of the congregational prayer while a larger proportion from Zumrah, Izᾱlah, Tijᾱniyyah and Qᾱdiriyyah disagreed with this view. These varying reactions are represented as follows:
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[...]
1. A.S. Hornby, Oxford advanced learner’s dictionary. (London: Oxford University Press, 2005)
2. Cowan, J.M. Ed; The hans wehr dictionary of modern written Arabic. (New Delhi: Modern Language Services).
3. Encyclopaedia Britannica online-Tarboosh/http://encyclopaedia.the reedictionary.com/tarboosh p.5.
4. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online-Tarboosh/http://encyclopaedia.the reedictionary.com/tarboosh p.5.
5. The Sultan and His subjects by Richard Davey. Georgias Press LLC, p.162.
6. The Sultan and His subjects by Richard Davey. Georgias Press LLC, p.162.
7. Taqiyah (Cap) on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taqiyah_(cap) p.1.
8. Taqiyah (Cap) on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taqiyah_(cap) p.2.
9. Taqiyah (Cap) on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taqiyah_(cap) p.2.
10. Taqiyah (Cap) on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taqiyah_(cap) p.2.
11. Taqiyah (Cap) on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taqiyah_(cap) p.2.
12. Abdul Kareem Adeyanju Atebise. A Zumrah scholar of Adaara Compound, Agbaji, Ilorin, Kwara State. Aged 56 years. Interviewed on 4th April, 2014.
13. Muhammad Murtadha. A TMC scholar at Saqama Area, Niger, Ilorin, Kwara State. Aged 35 years. Interviewed on 6th February, 2013.
14. Sahid Suraju Badmos A TMC scholar and lecturer at the Department of Islamic Studies, al-Hikmah University, Ilorin, Kwara State. Aged 31years. Interviewed on 7th January, 2013.
15. Abdul Fattah Abdur-Raheem. A Tijᾱniyyah scholar of Olanru Compound Ilorin, Kwara State and a Ph.D. student in the University of Ilorin. Aged 38years. Interviewed on 14th February, 2014.
16. Ibrahim Ayyub Opeloyeru, a missioner of the Muslim Congress (TMC), Iwo, Osun State. Aged 34years. Interviewed on 4th October, 2012.
17. Imam Abdul Malik Abdur-Rahman. A Zumrah scholar at Adesan Central Mosque, Mowe, Ogun State. Aged 65years. Interviewed on 14th February, 2012.
18. Imam Abdul Malik Abdur-Rahman. A Zumrah scholar at Adesan Central Mosque, Mowe, Ogun State. Aged 65years. Interviewed on 14th February, 2012.
- Citar trabajo
- Dr. Busari Moshood (Autor), 2022, A critical inquiry into dispositions of selected Yoruba Muslim groups to the use of cap during Salāt, Múnich, GRIN Verlag, https://www.grin.com/document/1183764
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