Using fictional and 'factual' literature, the dissertation attempts to understand the multiplicity of masculinity and individual knightly motivations caused by competing factual and fictional depictions of chivalry. Overall, histories of chivalry and masculinity between c 1350-c 1410 in France have been treated singularly. The ideal qualities of chivalry have been treated as the reality for all-knights, when in fact chivalric ideologies were unique to individuals and overlapped in both factual and fictional literature of the period.
Chivalry in the Middle Ages has often been defined as ‘the religious and moral system of behavior that the perfect knight was expected to follow’. However, singular definitions of chivalry should be disregarded because displays of medieval masculinity and chivalry were a complicated mixture of social conditions, institutional influence, and individual motivation.
Contents
Acknowledgements
Contents
Introduction
Chapter One
Reforming Knighthood, Reconstructing Masculinity: Geoffroi de Charny’s Livre de Chevalerie (c.1350-6) and Christine de Pizan’s Cent Ballades d’amant et de dame (c.1405-10)
Chapter Two
The Power ofPerformance in Jean Froissart’sMéliador (c.1383-88) and Christine de Pizan’s The Book of the Body Politic (c.1407)
Chapter Three
Deconstructing Chivalric Memory: Song of Bertrand du Guesclin (1380-9) and Christine de Pizan’s The BookofDeeds andArms of Chivalry (c.1410)
Conclusion
Appendix
Bibliography
Acknowledgements
I would like to firstly thank my supervisor Katherine Wilson who has not only seen me through this MA dissertation but has had a huge impact on my academicjourney so far. I am very grateful for all of the support that Katherine has provided to me under what have been the most unprecedented conditions: from answering emails around the clock, online meetings, pointing me in the right direct for source material and always encouraging me to think what has not been thought.
I would like to thank my friends Enya and Nida who have spent hours reading, and rereading, drafts that have not been quite there. Thank you, Enya, for always being there to read the same four lines over and over again (and also teaching me the rules of apostrophes). Thank you, Nida, for understanding the pressures of working under pandemic conditions and always cheering me on because I really did need that.
To my family, I am sure it has been hard being in lockdown with a girl obsessed with Medieval France, and I am sure you know more about chivalry than you will ever need too. Nonetheless, thank you for listening to my not-so-interesting facts and the ideas created, and that needed testing, at ten o’clock at night.
Finally, I would like to once again, as I did in my undergraduate dissertation, thank Christine de Pizan for using her voice in a world in which it was not always easy to be heard.
Introduction
Chivalry in the Middle Ages has often been defined as ‘the religious and moral system of behaviour that the perfect knight was expected to follow’.1 However, singular definitions of chivalry should be disregarded because displays of medieval masculinity and chivalry were a complicated mixture of social conditions, institutional influence and individual motivation. Until the late-twentieth century, studies concerning chivalry endorsed structuralist tendencies; favouring one of four grand-narrative chivalric histories, religious, courtly, feudal and martial, placing masculinity as a product of chivalric performance.2 However, since the 1980s, scholars have argued that reducing ‘chivalry merely to one exhibit [...] gives up the vast importance of a chivalry inextricably interlinked with other formative and motive features of medieval civilisation’.3 So, why has the historiography of chivalry continue to focus on a singular reality of chivalry after noting complex interrelations?4 The answer to this question is relatively simple: the ‘allknight’ narrative has become commonplace in the study of chivalry and masculinity.5 Despite Geoffroi de Charny’s Le Livre Chevalerie (1350-9) noting the different ‘types’ of knights, including those who did not always meet the masculine ideal, the all-knight narrative has assumed that all knights conformed to one set of key chivalric values.6 It is false to assume that the qualities of chivalry were universal across Europe, as ideal and real notions of chivalry in fourteenth and fifteen century France were constantly blurred by literature; meaning one should ask it is enough to take the word of literature, or do we need to look more closely into the individual realities of knightly life?7 It can be argued that notions of chivalry created multiple realities that were entirely dependent on the individual knight or author and their conceptions of masculinity.8 Uncovering individual motivations has been deemed an ‘almost impossible’ task by Craig Taylor.9 However, using examples of individual knights, and literary accounts of knighthood, studying individual motivations is possible. The dissertation attempts to understand the multiplicity of masculinity and individual knightly motivations caused by competing factual and fictional depictions of chivalry. Overall, histories of chivalry and masculinity between c.1350-c.1410 in France have been treated singularly for one core reason: the ideal qualities of chivalry have been treated as the reality for all-knights, when in fact chivalric ideologies were unique to individuals and overlapped in both factual and fictional literature of the period.
Perhaps the realities of knighthood, masculinity and varying qualities of chivalry within fictional works, could be better understood by asking: how did social context effect the way in which a knight behaved, and therefore the way in which literature responded to social contexts?10 11 Two works that begin to address this question, by focusing on a martial context, are Richard W. Kaeuper’s Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (1999) and Craig Taylor’s Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War (2013).11 Kaeuper and Taylor used fiction to understand ‘patterns of thought’ in the medieval period; arguing that fiction often reflected actual knightly practices to demonstrate the shortfalls of knighthood within inter-related institutions.12 Kaeuper’s work adequately highlighted the way fiction was used to actively ‘shape attitudes’; suggesting constructive changes for knightly behaviour through ideal depictions of chivalry.13 Taylor’s work highlighted the notion of ‘real’ knighthood and ‘ideal’ chivalry that the dissertation extends; arguing that ideals of knighthood were not identical to the representation of chivalry in fiction.14 However, the direct comparison of fictional and factual sources undertaken in this work takes Taylor’s work further. Whilst there are idealised visions of chivalry in fictional texts, the same texts can be used to explore the real qualities of knighthood, in order to move away from the notion that fiction can only represent an ‘idealised vision of knightly values’ and a singular masculinity of the medieval period.15 Unfortunately, when studying fiction, scholars have used the ideal of chivalry to reduce the reality of knighthood to a contest of virtues and games determined by political ideas.16 Whilst there has been a slow turn to appreciate the realism within literature from the likes of Gregory Currie, arguing that fiction was a ‘patchwork of truth and falsity’, the study of medieval literature and the reality of knighthood is lacking.17 When attempts to explore the impact of fiction upon knightly practice have been made, they have ‘been driven by the modern romantic vision of chivalry’, rather than the subtle, and in some cases disguised, knightly values evident within literature.18 Overall, the dissertation demonstrates that fiction is ‘best seen as a hall of mirrors’ that has historically been used to advocate the all-knight narrative, through an oversimplification of source material, rather than pursue study of the individual knight in history.19
Whilst it is true that ‘men have dominated the historical discourse’, they have done so through a universalisation of human experience; meaning that men in societies of the past have ‘been overlooked in their sexed and gendered specificity’.20 With that in mind, the dissertation demonstrates that knights were the ‘fellow victims [of women] suffering from an outmoded masculine’ expectation.21 Craig Taylor noted that it would be false to assume that the masculine knightly ethos ‘remained unchanged’ because masculinities were dependent on individual social contexts.22 However, masculinities in the medieval period have more or less been categorised ‘only in opposition to women’; highlighting that men have only been studied as the hegemonic, rather than as individual beings who had their own history separate to the patriarchal archetype who scholars focus on.23 Scholars have taken the notion of female referents further as they have attempted to understand chivalry as a gynocentric tradition; meaning chivalry was about ‘gender relationships that benefit females at the expense of men’.24 The gynocentric work of Peter Wright and Paul Elam, posed that females authors of the past and ‘feminists [of today] use shaming narratives’ to reflect ‘a one-sided power for females over men’.25 The problem in Wright and Elam’s work, is not that men are writing on the struggles of men, it is that they do so through the defamation of women.26 The writings of men and women as victims of femininities and masculinities of their time, cannot bejustified through the villainization of the opposing gender. As a woman’s femininity was determined through her status as mother and wife in the medieval period, a male’s masculinity was confirmed, or denied, by his capacity to perform his chivalric obligation.27 The purpose of studying men’s history, is not to return to the traditional historical narratives of patriarchy that have dominated the historical field, nor is it to place the male as a victim at the expense of women.28 Challenging the problematic all-knight narrative, the dissertation looks beyond the patriarchal male archetype; using literature to expose multiple knightly masculinities which were complicated by competing notions of ‘real and ‘ideal’ chivalry and determined by social contexts of medieval period.
Multiple realities and performativity are a vital in understanding the relationship between masculinity, chivalry and knighthood, and have been influenced by poststructuralism.29 The post-structuralist movement aimed to challenge structuralist theories which had dominated academic investigations into the past since the early twentieth century.30 Contrary to structuralist beliefs, qualities of chivalry were never singular, they were constantly transformed by social contexts and performed by individuals in order to convey social identities.31 Additionally, post-structuralist writings posed that texts and language did not reveal a singular and identifiable meaning.32 Instead, language and text, as Derrida argued, could be ‘deconstructed’ to created various realities that were always open to interpretation from the individual in history.33 Texts and language had an undoubtable ability to encourage collective performance, as shown in David Crouch’s The English Aristocracy (2011), in which Bourdieu’s ‘habitus’ is used to show chivalry as series of ingrained dispositions shared by the noble class.34 However, the way in which ‘all-knights’ performed the fictional ideal of chivalry should no longer be the focus of the history of chivalry. Instead, studies should use post-modern thought to ask how knights performed the reality of chivalry, and how chivalric ideals were adapted according to individual knightly motivations, author motivations and their retrospective contexts. Contexts which were determined largely by disciplinary powers, or institutions, that actively shaped the beliefs, values and behaviours deemed acceptable within society at any given time.35
The Hundred Years War, in which France suffered many setbacks, but ultimately defeated the English, provides the main historical context for the dissertation.36 Historians such as Christopher Allmand have provided extensive accounts of wartime conduct during the medieval period.37 However, histories of the Hundred Years War have commonly examined periods of active conflict through political, military and social perspectives; making only sweeping references about the importance of peacetime.38 Whilst there is no denying that active conflict warrants academic attention, such study has allowed the all-knight narrative to become commonplace in the study of chivalry by reiterating the singular masculinity associated with martial chivalry. Nicholas Wright turned to sources such as Le Jouvencel which focused upon how men-at-arms ‘always [...] increase their honour and prowess in the marvellous adventures of war’, rather than examining men who did not perform their chivalric obligations and therefore could not perform the so-called masculine norm.39 However, the dissertation shows that martial context was not the only one of significance. Periods of peace, consequences of war, such as cowardice behaviours, and physical court spaces, were equally as essential in shaping both chivalric and masculine norms of medieval literature. Additionally, in the years 1364-1380 Charles V of France was a living embodiment of a new chivalric standard in several literary pieces.40 In turn, society witnessed ‘the diffusion of chivalric values across the social scale’; meaning social contexts of chivalry shifted, which led to another series of chivalric qualities and masculinities emerging in medieval French society which can be used challenge the all knight narrative.41 Using fictional and factual literature, the dissertation challenges the all-knight narrative to show how contexts of war, peace and ruler transformed characteristics of chivalry and masculinity; creating an ever-changing chivalric and masculine norm that has been overlooked in the scholarship of chivalry.
Despite popular feminist writings, the works of Christine de Pizan’s were concerned with the development of both genders.42 Pizan posed that despite what society may have said, gender was inconsequential to an individual’s ability; highlighting the validity of using Pizan’s work to challenge the gender stereotypes associated with allknight narrative. Born in 1364 and Italian by birth, Pizan spent the early years ofher life in Pizzano.43 However, after Thomas de Pizan, Christine’s father, had been appointed to court of Charles V of France the family left Italy.44 In 1389, Pizan began writing in various genres and styles, both fictional and factual, for the French court in order to financially support her family after the death of her husband.45 Pizan’s position and experience within the French court mean her writings were well-informed on the institutional discourses of court and civic life. Pizan’s writings were also owned by princes and aristocracy, with her works being found in the library inventories of Jean of Berry, Louis of Orléans and Phillip the Bold; making the catalogue of her work widely accessible to historians.46 For example, Le Livre desfais d’armes et de Chivalrie (1410) [Appendix A] has been found in twenty-five manuscripts.47 Whilst ‘the circulation and ownership of books on knighthood and warfare certainly reached unprecedented heights’ in the late Middle Ages, it is equally important to look at geographic traces of Pizan’s works.48 By 1454 Pizan’s writings moved beyond the households of the French aristocracy and borders of France; challenging our knowledge of audience. Accounts of household of Sir John Fastolf, a late-medieval landowner, demonstrate that Wiltshire and Norfolk became an ‘unlikely centre for the translation and circulation’ of Pizan’s writings in England.49 Nonetheless, whilst examining the exact impact of literature on owners can be difficult for the historian, the dissertation challenges the all-knight narrative by using the literature of Pizan to understand how knightly ideals were transformed, rather than universal, by contexts, circulation and ownership ofliterature in varying social circles.
Each chapter of the dissertation compares a work of Pizan’s, either fictional or non-fictional, with another writing to uncover matters of knighthood, chivalry and masculinity rather than femininity as has been done in past research.50 For example, chapter one compares Pizan’s Cent Ballades d’amant et de Dame (1405-10) and Geoffroi de Charny’s Le Livre Chevalerie (1350).51 Surviving in a number of manuscripts, Pizan’s Cent Ballades appeared most notably in The Book of the Queen [Appendix B] which was assembled for Isabel of Bavaria.52 As for Charny’s Le Livre de Chevalerie, it survives only in two medieval manuscripts.53 However, Le Livre de Chevalerie, which examined ‘the failings of contemporary knighthood’, was a work used by the Company of the Star.54 Founded by Jean II, a likely commissioner for Le Livre de Chevalerie, the Company of the Star was an order of chivalry designed to ‘inspire French Knights to abandon idleness’; highlighting the importance of Charny’s literature to knightly circles and audiences, despite a low number of manuscripts.55 Additionally, Jean Froissart’s Chronique (1369), used throughout the dissertation for the purpose of wider context, and the first-volume of Froissart’s epic-romance Méliador (1383-88) are important texts for the dissertation.56 Studies of Froissart have been plentiful, however there has only been one extensive work undertaken on Méliador by Peter Dembowski.57 Dembowski noted that the neglection ofFroissart as an ‘outstanding poet’ is obvious in scholarship; posing that Froissart belonged to a new wave of poets who were increasingly aware of their role as authors and their ability to influence audiences.58 Finally, using the Song of Bertrand de Guesclin (1380-9), a fictional tale of a real knight, and The Book of Deeds and Arms of Chivalry (c.1410) the all-knight narrative can again be challenged due to exposure of a variety types of men-at-arms, and the ever-changing masculine and chivalric norm found in the literature.59
The central aim for the dissertation is to focus on the ways in which both fictional and factual depictions ofknighthood always idealised knightly action, but subtly offered glimpses into authentic knightly behaviours. Chapter one explores the reformation of knighthood and reshaping of masculinity in the fourteenth century; understanding chivalry as a tool to control the practice ofknighthood. The chapter understands chivalry as a later manifestation of thepreudomme and explores how literature idealised qualities of chivalry, only to later reflect the unattainable nature of such qualities in practice. Chapter Two examines chivalry as a type of performativity that defined and maintained gender roles and social relationships through a series of acts and moveabl ^fronts in court society; examining how social action within relationships of the court shaped individual identities. Finally, chapter three emphasises the importance of looking beyond a singular historical context; using deconstruction theory to demonstrate how literature had intended meanings, but also unintended contexts directly related to chivalry, masculinity and knighthood that existed co-functionally. Overall, chivalry will be shown as an ideal, and knighthood as the reality of the qualities in practice. The dissertation demonstrates how both fictional and factual literature blurred the lines of reality; noting the importance of individual knightly choices, facades and performances, rather than the notion that allknights were affected by the same ideals and contexts of chivalry simultaneously.
Chapter One
Reforming Knighthood, Reconstructing Masculinity: Geoffroi de Charny’s Livre de Chevalerie (c.1350-6) and Christine de Pizan’s Cent Ballades d’amant et de dame (c.1405-10)
“You are a good and bold knight, But you love your ease a little too much,”60
- Christine de Pizan, SirKnight, You like Pretty Words, (1402)
The poem above reveals that throughout the fourteenth century knighthood faced sharp criticism, as knights failed to demonstrate the virtues and behaviours associated with French chivalry’s imagined former splendour. Whilst romances, poetry and knightly manuals called for vigorous knightly reform, some clerical writers thought chivalry a topic for satire; deeming the violent vocation of knighthood a practice of pleasure, pride and greed, rather than one that upheld Christian morals.61 Consequently, in the early phase of his kingship, Jean II of France (1319-1364) aimed to reform ideals of chivalry in order to control and guide knightly behaviours, whilst simultaneously restoring French chivalry to its previous grandeur.62 However, the reformation of knighthood was not a series of new ideas surrounding knightly conduct that appeared in society during the fourteenth century. The knightly reformation was an opportunity for literature to reflect upon, and implement, the masculine ideal of the preudomme under a chivalric framework familiar to society and multiple, institutional habitus’. As such, Geoffroi de Charny’s Livre de Chevalerie (1350-9) and Christine de Pizan’s Cent Ballades d’amant et de Dame (1405- 10) will be used to support the notion that factual and fictional writings detailed similar notions concerning chivalry and masculinity.63 Employing the notion of preudomme ideals, this chapter disproves the notion that medieval literature produced only an ‘idealised masculinity’.64 The chapter highlights that literature presented the idyllic maleness, and the personal failings, of knights to demonstrate the problems of chivalric ideals in knightly reality. Chivalry was a tool employed by institutional discourses for allknights but manipulated to fit personal circumstance and knighthood was the lived reality, not the ideal, of the qualities.
The Preudomme Ideal and Habitus’
The ‘Age of Chivalry’ is thought to have occurred between 1170 and 1220.65 However, the term ‘Chevalerie’ appeared as early as the tenth century and was a Christian notion that attempted to ‘regulate the violence’ of knightly conduct in Frankish society.66 Early chivalric ideas were not simply a development of this religious strand of thought, nor the implied martial tone of knightly violence, but rather an extension of the preudomme,67 Thq preudomme was not a term that was narrowly placed up on knights, but rather any male of medieval society who emulated the positive qualities of loyalty, generosity, and ‘outstanding manliness’ that came to be associated with medieval chivalry.68 David Crouch’s study of the preudomme highlighted how cultural shifts between the tenth and fourteenth centuries transformed the knight into the ideal man; emphasising how the problematic studies of a singular masculinity in the middle ages have dominated gender scholarship.69 However, unlike chivalry, thq preudomme has yet to receive the same level of academic attention.70 Medieval society re-appropriated the term preudomme to reshape masculinities and noble conduct, exclusively for practicing knights, under the formalised title of chevalerie. As such, this chapter demonstrates that a chivalric ideology for all-knights, based upon preudomme ideals, intensified masculine norms for knights and created multiple expressions of masculinity, rather than a singular patriarchal archetype that gender scholarship has assumed.
Maurice Keen has argued that chivalry was a ‘way of life’ for knights and based upon a series of ingrained dispositions in which multiple institutional ‘elements were fused together’.71 David Crouch confirms Keen’s idea of ingrained dispositions by exploring a courtly habitus.72 Crouch highlighted that the preudomme in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ‘was to contemporaries [what] chivalry was’ in the later middle ages; a series of ideas that defined the conduct of being noble.68 The ‘habitus’, coined by Pierre Bourdieu, is a series of ingrained dispositions shared by a group of individuals that determine the experience and opportunity of individuals.69 A courtly habitus undoubtably existed, because as Norbert Elias noted ‘the individual is always observed in court society [...] as a person in relation to others’.70 The value of a knights action, and therefore his ‘maleness’, would be determined through a comparison of other knightly actions; emphasising that there was not a singular ‘idealised masculinity’, because acts of masculinity were always compared and contrasted against one another in court society.71 However, Crouch’s ‘courtly habitus’ is too narrow a category to focus on when discussing chivalry.72 Considering that chivalry was ‘everywhere at once’ in medieval society, functioning within religious, courtly, martial and noble habitus’, an omnipresent ‘chivalric habitus’ should be employed in order to understand the implications of chivalry on the daily lives of knights.73 So, if the all-knight narrative holds any validity, it is that to some extent ‘all-knights’ were affected by the expectations of a chivalric habitus. By looking at thepreudomme and the functions of habitus on an individual’s conception of the world, and his place within it as defined in relation to his peers, historians can begin to understand how chivalry was a tool used by society to control all-knights, but in reality, only influenced some.
TheHundred Years War (1337-1356)
Fleeing knights and large scale martial defeats for France during the Hundred Years War destroyed the reputation of French chivalry; resulting in literature of the fourteenth century emulating an idyllic knightly past to revive chivalric intention amongst orders of knighthood in France.74 However, martial losses cannot be treated as the central causation of the reformation of knighthood, because famine, plague, and increased taxes and rent exacerbated tensions in the towns and cities of France.75 Fiscal policy eventually provided the catalyst for revolt in urban centres, as society’s poorest members displayed their desire for a share of the wealth and status possessed by the nobility.76 The account of the Jacquerie uprising by Jean Froissart stated that the peasants: “went to [a] castle and took the knight thereof and bound him fast to a stake [...] and then slew the knight by great torment and burnt and beat down the castle”.77 Highlighting the discontent felt by the peasantry towards knights [Appendix C], Froissart’s depiction emphasised why French society required a reformation that conveyed social stability. Not only that, but courtly society needed to rebrand the image of the noble, land-owning, warrior, who had entered into a turbulent relationship with the people of France. Yet, it was not enough to have an ‘idealisedpreudomme [...] to teach courtly norms’.78 Instead, chivalric ideals had to be embodied by knightly ‘characters’, both factual and fictional, in order to control the public opinion of knightly ‘actors’.79 However, without suggesting that all-knights performed a collective faqade, the reformation was also part of a self-conscious effort made by individual knights to reform ones identity within the parameters of a chivalric habitus. Therefore, the reformation of knighthood is shown as a tool used to reform and manipulate identities in a period of social disorder for France.80
Geoffroi de Charny: The Chivalric Epitome
Born around 1306, Geoffroi de Charny participated in his first major knightly campaign in 1337.81 However, throughout the conflict of the Hundred Years War, Charny demonstrated extensive chivalric prowess.82 Consistent fighting by Charny in conflicts such as the march against Tournai in 1340, Brittany in 1341, the siege of Vannes in 1342, reflects the repeated refrain of Chamy’s knightly manual Livre de Chevalerie (1350), that ‘he who does more is of greater worth’.83 Charny’s desire to fight is evident also in the peacetime of the Hundred Years War. By 1343, in the first ‘peace’ of the Hundred Years War, Charny found new enemies in the Turks, joining Humbert of Viennois in his crusade.84 Alongside his reputation, the greatest achievement in Charny’s career, and ‘ultimate chivalric honour’, came from Jean II naming Charny the barer of the oriflamme in 1347 and 1355 [Appendix D].85 It was popular belief that keeper of the oriflamme should be ‘le plus preudomme et plus preux es arms’; highlighting that as late as the fourteenth century, society had deeply entwined notions of knighthood with the preudomme.86 In 1356, the Battle of Poitiers resulted in not only an English victory that humiliated the French military, nor a defeat that resulted in the kidnap of a king, it was also the battle at which Charny was killed.87 It is Froissart’s memorable, patriotic image, that reflects Charny’s chivalrousness in death: ‘Charny was killed with the banner of France in his hands, and the French banner fell to the earth’.88 Loyal to the crown of France demonstrating prowess throughout conflict, consistently searching for an enemy and dying holding the oriflamme, Chamy’s life epitomised outwardly chivalry and functioned as a framework for the sort oflife all-knights should lead.
Livre de Chevalerie: The Scale of Prowess
Charny’s most popular work, Livre de Chevalerie, comes during a time where France is at crisis point and Jean II required a chivalric ideal that ‘reflected great deeds of arms in war’.89 French martial losses at Crecy in 1346, Calais 1346-7 and Poitiers 1356 damaged the reputation of French chivalry.90 Critics in France began to author ‘bitter satires’ accusing knights and nobles of‘cowardice, immorality and greed’; aligning with views of the twelfth century, that chivalric endeavour was lost outside of monastic walls.91 Looking back to thq preudomme, Sidney Painter noted that in medieval society he was ‘a man of prowess’ who relied upon ‘his military capacities to fulfil obligations’.92 As such, Chamy employed a ‘Scale of Prowess’, influenced by the notion of the preudomme, to encourage a knightly reform founded by martial prowess.93 However, Charny utilised Livre de Chevalerie to fit the violent vocation of knights within religious norms; repeating phrasing such as ‘God by his grace’, ‘Our Lord’ and ‘blessed Virgin’ maintained the link between the two habitus’ of martial and religion [Appendix F].94 Additionally, as fewer men were dubbed a ‘knight’ by the fourteenth century, due to the lack of sufficient income to sustain the knightly lifestyle, knighthood becomes firmly ingrained as ‘a very noble activity’.95 Although, ‘the knightly class was [...] transformed into a genuine nobility’ by the fourteenth century, the increased emphasis on the noble class did not determine all chivalric action.96 Charny’s writing unified martial, noble, courtly and religious ideas using an ‘idealised vision ofknightly values and behaviours’, to show the multiplicity of chivalry rather than the singularity of the concept.97 However, Charny’s idealisation of the quality of ‘prowess’ does not differ in principle to the fictional depictions of chivalry that have been dismissed in historical study.98 Pushing for a reformation of knighthood, Charny used chivalry as a tool to idealise the practice of all-knights, employing fictional tropes of chivalry to entwine notions of war, class and religion to show that no order of society ‘impose[d] heavier rigours than chivalry’.99
Livre de Chevalerie, encouraged a radical reshaping of courtly masculinity through allusions to the preudomme. During the reformation of knighthood, the preudomme ideal was used not only to alter knightly behaviours, but also masculine norms for all classes of men-at-arms; using chivalric ideals that were familiar to all levels of courtly society.100 Keen argued that by the fourteenth century chivalry becomes not only a way of life for knights, but a method to control all kinds of men-at-arms; highlighting the presence of the chivalric habitus even in the lives of esquires and companions.101 102 Using the ‘Scale of Prowess’, Charny called for a return to the core values of the past that referenced the ideal of the preudomme.101 Prowess was central to Charny’s idea of knightly reformation because it encompassed other recognised virtues of chivalry, such as ‘great strength, hardiness, and skill in using arms’.103 Charny maintained that ‘there are not small feats of arms’, but only those who tourney and wage war can obtain the prowess necessary to achieve honour.104 Chamy suggested that ‘all men-at-arms who have done well in the art of war and have been successful [...] should be honoured’; reflecting only the social expectation of being male, rather than any true individual male identity.105 Chamy posed that all-knights should not ‘hesitate nor fear to subject your feeble bodies to danger, pain, and effort, of whatever rank you maybe’.106 The first thing to note here is: ‘of whatever rank you maybe’.107 108 Charny extends the masculine norm from only knights, to any man who is in the social position to perform chivalric acts; as was the same with the preudommein Secondly, Charny’s emphasis on ‘fear’ as unknightly shows that the emotion of fear was itself feared by those who wished to reshape masculinity.109 Craig Taylor noted that ‘chivalric narratives rarely paid attention to the psychological reality of fear’.110 Conflicts during the Hundred Years War had witnessed fleeing knights and distant armies [Appendix E], damaging not only notions of loyalty and chivalry, but also masculinity; as a knight’s manliness was confirmed or denied by his conformity to chivalric norms associated with violent acts. As fear was considered a female emotion, the cowardice of French men-at-arms in battle demasculinized them; highlighting the presence of a masculinity outside of the patriarchal archetype, that accepted fear as a reality of knightly practice, but refused to condone it due to idealised visons of chivalry. As such, it was not that fear was absent in the reality of knightly practice, but rather that chivalry was a tool used to suppress the possibility of recognising, showing or acting upon, ones fears, in order to maintain the masculine ideal for all-men of the period.
Geoffroi de Charny: Maniyulatins Chivalric Ideals
Craig Taylor has argued that in the modern imagination ‘chivalry has become identified with mercy’.111 Fictional sources across the medieval period, such as Marie de France, Chrétien de Troyes and Christine de Pizan, highlighted that mercy was a valued chivalric virtue.112 However, Charny’s Livre de Chevalerie posed that all men-at-arms should ‘hate and harm your enemies [...] [and] exert yourself with all your strength against your foes’.113 It is here that the reality of knighthood differs from the idealised depictions of chivalry. Whilst Charny’s work highlighted prowess, loyalty and bravery as qualities of chivalry that conformed to fictional conventions, the notion of mercy is rarely discussed. In 1352, a personal dispute with Aimery de Pavia resulted in Charny decapitating and quartering Pavia; a problematic move in a period where there was growing pressure to capture, rather than kill enemies, during war time.114 However, Charny does not commit this murder as an act of war, but rather as an act of personal violence in response to Pavia’s traitorous nature. Charny manipulated the quality of mercy, justifying his actions by alluding to the un-chivalric qualities of Pavia. It was likely this act of ‘personal violence enhanced the social status’ of Charny as a worthy knight because, as Helen M. Kinsella argued, ‘honour was founded in individual violence’.115 Additionally, given the issue of greed that plagued French chivalry, after the murder of Pavia, Charny does not take his possessions, he does not claim his castle; maintaining the idea that a good knight would not ‘indulge in greed’ at the expense of his enemies.116 Charny’s work argued that all-knights should aspire to perform the qualities of chivalry he sets forth, but he never demands perfection from those participating in knighthood. Thus, Chamy’s actions highlighted the difference between chivalry as a tool to transform all-knightly behaviour and knighthood as the lived reality in which these qualities were manipulated by the individual.
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1 OxfordLeamer’s Dictionary, ‘Chivalry: Noun’, (2020) https://www.oxfordleamersdictionaries.com/definition/english/chivalrv [Accessed 03 May 2020]
2 Whilst scholars do mention other forms of chivalry, their arguments usually settle upon one category of analysis. For scholars whose work falls into one of the four studies of chivalry, see: On Martial see: Richard W. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Craig Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); Roger B. Manning, Swordsmen: The Martial Ethos in the Three Kingdoms (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003); On Class see: Jean-Baptist de la Cume Sainte-Palaye, Memoirs of Ancient Chivalry: To which are Added, the Anedotes of the Times, from the Romance Writers and Historians of Those Ages (London: J. Dodsley, 1784); Richard Hurd, Letters on Chivalry and Romance (London: A. Millar, W. Thurlboum, and J. Woodyer, 1762); Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: The University of California Press, 1977); Constance Brittain Bouchard, Strong of Body, Brave and Noble: Chivalry and society in Medieval France (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1998); On Code Consciousness see: Charles T. Wood, The Quest for Eternity: Medieval Manners and Morals (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday and company, inc., 1971); Jennifer G. Wollock, Rethinking Chivalry and Courtly Love (Santa Barbara; California, Denver; Colorado, Oxford; England: Praeger, 2011); Pamela J. Porter, Courtly Love in Medieval Manuscripts (Toronto; Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2003); On Religion see: Leon Gautier, Chivalry: The Everyday Life of the Medieval Knight (United States of America: Tumblar House: 2015); Edgar Prestage, Chivalry: A series to Illustrate its Historical Significance and Civilising Influence (London: Keegan Paul International, 2004); Maurice Keen, Chivalry (USA: Yale University Press, 2005); Although Kaeuper’s work focuses predominantly on martial aspects of chivalry, the following work also attempts to explain the religious ideology of chivalry through an exploration of military elites: Richard. W. Kaeuper, Holy Warriors: TheRelgiousIdeologyofChivalry (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvaniaPress, 2012)
3 Richard W. Kaeuper, Medieval Chivalry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016) p.8
4 The lack of exploration into multiple realities of knighthood can be seen within the earliest works on chivalry: Sainte-Palaye’s work in its original form was entitled Mémoires sur I’ancienne chevalerie: considérée comme un établissement politique et militaire. For the dissertation a later edition that was translated into English with footnotes from the author Sainte-Palaye, Memoirs of Ancient Chivalry: To which are Added, the Anedotes of the Times, from the Romance Writers and Historians of Those Ages, will be used; Also, it is important to note that early works are similar, because scholars, such as Richard Hurd and many other scholars of the period, based their writings of chivalry on the work of Sainte-Palaye; Hurd, Letters and Chivalry and Romance', Henry Hallam,H View of the State ofEurope During the Middle Ages: Volume One, 7th ed. (Paris: Baudry’s European Library, 1840); Other examples of this early scholarship, such as Charles Mills also favour the feudal institution as the centre of chivalric behaviour and disconnected chivalry from the martial branch, and other institutions, of study. Charles Mills, The History of Chivalry; or Knighthood and its Times (London: Longmans, 1825); Others who echoed Mills, highlighting a lack of change in the path of study, see: John Edward Austin Jolliffe,.Tngev/n Kingship, 2nd Ed. (Adam and Charles Black: London 1936); Even the transformative works produced by Kaeuper and Taylor focuses on the ‘martial ethos’ of chivalry, whilst Keen turned attention to chivalry as a ‘secular’ ethic; Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe; Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.l; Maurice Keen, Chivalry, p.199
5: Geoffroi de Chamy,H Knights Own Book of Chivalry, ed. Richard W. Kaeuper, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 2005) p.2, 47
6 Ibid., p.45
7 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofKnighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.8
8 Authors writing on knights were the not the same, and did not offer identical depictions, as knights writing on knights. That is one of the reasons why there were multiple realities of chivalry in the past. Allan H. Pasco, ‘Literature as Historical Archive’, New Literary History, 35.3, (2004) 373-394; Susan Crane, ‘The Knights in Disguise: Identity and Incognito in Fourteenth-Century Chivalry’, The Stranger in Medieval Society, ed. F.R.P. Akehurst, Stephanie Cain Van D’Elden (Minnesota: University of Minnesota, 1997) 6379; Clare. R. Kinney, ‘The (Dis)Embodied Hero and the Signs of Manhood in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight’, inMedieval Masculinities, ed. Clare A. Lees, Thelma Fenster and Jo Ann McNamara (Minnesota: University ofMinnesota, 1994) 47-60
9 Taylor, Chivalry and theldeals ofknighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.15
10 Although this dissertation focuses exclusively on France, it is important to understand the wider European context. For examples of wider European Context that examine how chivalric ideology affected knightly practice, see: Katie Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, 1424-1513 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2006)p.l31; Wollock, Rethinking Chivalry and Courtly Love, p.12; Elspeth Kennedy, ‘The Quest for Identity and the Importance of Lineage in Thirteenth-Century French Prose Romance’, in The Ideals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood 11: Papers from the Third Strawberry Hill Conference, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Ruth Harvey (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1988) 70-86; Nigel Saul, Chivalry in Medieval England (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2011)
11 Kaeuper, Chivalry and 'Violence in Medieval Europe; Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War; A notable work that will be referenced through the dissertation because it marked a change in approach to the way in which chivalry was categorised as singular, and moved towards an approach that accepted chivalry as a ‘scale of virtues’; evident within religious, martial, courtly and feudal institutions simultaneously, was: Keen, Chivalry, p.17; Keen went on to problematise the stereotype of chivalry, demonstrating that institutions influenced a diverse set of qualities that varied across contexts: keen, Chivalry, p.2; Maurice Keen, Nobles, Knights andMen-at-Arms in theMiddle Ages (London: A&CBlack, 1996)
12 Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe, p. 22; The dissertation is concerned with these shortfalls pointed out by Kaeuper. The dissertation will address questions such as: where did the ideal of chivalry end and the reality of knighthood begin? Was there a clear distinction between the two or was it constantly blurred and ever-changing dependent of context?
13 Ibid., p. 22 ; Despite the ‘fig-leaf idealisation’ (p.34) noted by Kaeuper, the dissertation adapts Kaeuper’s work on chivalric literature to argue that fiction alone cannot be used to define chivalry.
14 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofknighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.16
15 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofknighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.5
16 Understanding chivalry as a contest of virtues is perhaps most evident within the exploration of tournaments as chivalric displays. For more on this see, Edgar Prestage, ‘Tournaments’, in Chivalry (London and New York: Routledge, 2009) 86-108; Richard W. Barber, Juliet Barker, Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry andPageants in theMiddleAges (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2000)
17 Gregory Currie, The Nature of Fiction (Cambridge, New York, Port Chester, Melbourne Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1990) p.49; A work that also notes the importance of medieval fiction and realism: Kate Mitchell, N. Parsons, Reading Historical Fiction: The Revenant and Remembered Past (Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012); For works of those who have paid great attention to the ideal of chivalry, rather than the realism in literature, see: Painter, French Chivalry: Chivalric Ideas and Practices in Mediaeval France, p.71, 95; A work that problematises literature as a historical source, because ‘romance purges life of impurities and presents chivalry in heightened and idealised form[s]’ see: Derek Pearsall, Arthurian Romance:A Shortlntroduction (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003) p.21
18 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofknighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.16
19 Ibid., p.8; Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe, p.33; The central principle to be taken away from the two works is that chivalric fiction was notjust a ‘simple mirror’, it was not how things were but the way they should be. However, I will argue that in some cases fiction did in fact inform us of the way things were.
20 Jacqueline Murray, Masculinity and Male Sexuality in the Middle Ages, Oxford Bibliographies, (2018) https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195396584/obo-978Q195396584- 0251,xml [Accessed 05 May 2020]
21 Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique, 20th anniversary ed. (New York: Dell, 1983) p.69-70; Berry Friedan, ‘Woman: The Fourth Dimension 1964’, in It Changed My Life: Writings on the Women’s Movement (New York: Dell, 1977) 37-58; Although Friedan’s work focuses upon the restrictive roles placed upon women in post-war America, she was an influential scholar on the writings of hegemonic masculinity and the way in which it was received in wider gender scholarship. The work of Friedan has influenced projects such as the following: Noah Brand, ‘The Masculine Mystique’, (2013), available at: https://goodmenproiect.com/featured-content/brand-the-masculine-mvstique/ [Accessed 16 May 2020]; The work of Friedan can not only be applied to the modem world, but also to the medieval one. On Hegemonic masculinity, and it’s origin in scholarship, see: R.W. Connell, Masculinities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995) p.37, 77-79, 162; J. Tosh, ‘What Should Historians do with Masculinity? Reflections on Nineteenth-Century Britain’, History Workshop Journal, 38, (1994), 179-202; Alexandra Shepard, Meanings of Manhood in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) p.1-13
22 Craig Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofKnighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.8
23 Ruth Mazo Karras, From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Later Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003) p.109; For more on the hegemonic male in the scholarship of medieval masculinity, see: Thelma Fenster, ‘Why Men?’, in Medieval Masculinities, ed. Clare A. Lees, Thelma Fenster and Jo Ann McNamara (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1994) ix-xiii; Clare A. Lees, ‘Introduction’, inMedievalMasculinities, ed. Clare A. Lees, ThelmaFensterand Jo AnnMcNamara (Minnesota: University ofMinnesotaPress, 1994) xv-xxv
24 Peter Wright and Paul Elam, Chivalry: A Gynocentric Tradition (E-BOOK) (Academic Century Press, 2019) p. location 231
25 Ibid., p. location 231
26 Paul Elam founded an organisation called ‘A Voice for Men’, that has strong antifeminist positioning. Elam’s group has been accused of being extremely misogynistic and women-hating. I use the work of Wright and Elam to demonstrate that whilst men’s studies are extremely important and can help us better understand gender studies as a whole, we cannot study men at the expense of women. This is the same vis- versa. More specifically on the defamation and villainising of women, Elam and Wright argued that the archetype male was introduced into society by ‘high-born’ ladies without reference to any specific material that supports their point and failing to acknowledge male authors of the period who wrote about men in the same, somewhat sexist, manner. Wright and Elam, Chivalry: A Gynocentric Tradition, p. location 167-169
27 On stereotypical roles for women in the middle ages, and the conformity to notions of womanhood, see: Corinne Saunders, ‘Middle Age in Romance? Magic, Enchantment and Female Power’, in Middle-Aged Women in the Middle Ages, ed. Sue Niebrzydowski (Woodbridge: D.S. Brewer, 2011) 37-52, (p.39); Kathryn L. Reyerson, Women’s Networks in Medieval France: Gender and Community in Montpellier, 1300-1500 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Helen J. Swift, ‘Becoming’ Woman: Contextualising Gender Identity’, in Gender, Writing, and Performing: Men Defending Women in Late Medieval France, (1400-1538) (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 2008) 217-220; Martha C. Howell, The Marriage Exchange: Property, Social Place, and Gender in the Cities of the Low Countries, 1300-1550 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); Penny Schine, The Lady and the Virgin: image, Attitude, and Experience in Twelfth- CenturyFrance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985)
28 One of the most comprehensive works on medieval masculinity and the importance of men’s studies within gender scholarship is: Clare A. Lees, Thelma Fenster and Jo Ann McNamara, Medieval Masculinities (Minneapolis and London: University ofMinnesota Press, 1994)
29 For the works of influential post-modernists, see: Pierre Bourdieu, In Other Words: Essays Towards a Reflective Sociology (Cambridge: Polity, 1990); Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge and Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: The Will to Knowledge (London: Penguin, 2019); Michel Foucault, Power and Knowledge: Selected interviews and Other Writings, 19721977 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980); Jacques Derrida, Writing and Difference (London and Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017); Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology, trans. Gayatri Chakravsalvorty Spivak (The John Hopkins University Press, 2013)
30 Post-structuralism doubted grand narratives of the past that were often employed in structuralist works, which allowed new studies to move away from universal histories. For brief introductions to postmodernism, see: Jane Tompkins, ‘A Short Course in Post-Structuralism’, College English, 50.7, (Nov., 1988) 733-747; Raman Seiden and Peter Widdowson,U Reader’s Guide to Contemporary Literary Theory, 3rd ed. (Lexington, Kentucky: The University Press ofKentucky, 1993) p.125
31 On structuralism, see: Craig Lundy, ‘From Structuralism to Poststructuralism’, in The Edinburgh Companion to Poststructuralism, ed. Benoit Dillet, Iain MacKenzie and Robert Porter (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013) 69-92; On performativity, a notion that is central to chapter two, see: Judith Butler, ‘Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory’, Theatre Studies, 40.4 (1988) 519-531
32 Helga Thalhofer, ‘Paradox vs. Analogy: De Man and Foucault’, in Beyond Postmodernism: Reassessments in Literature, Theory, and Culture, ed. Klaus Stierstorfer (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2 z03) 157-178
33 On the theory of deconstruction, see: Friedrich Nietzsche, Philosophical Writings, ed. Reinhold Grimm and Caroline Molina y Vedia (New York: Continuum, 1997); Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Johann Gottfried Herder, On the Origin of Language, trans. John H. Moran and Alexander Gode (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1986); Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, trans. Wade Baskin, ed. Perry Meisel and Haun Saussy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); For works that examine deconstruction in more depth, and the way in which deconstruction challenged western thought, see: Hugh J. Silverman, Derrida and Deconstruction (London and New York: Routledge, 1989); Barry Stocker, Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Derrida on Deconstruction (London and New York: Routledge, 2006)
34 David Crouch, The English Aristocracy, 1070-1272:A Social Transformation (Yale University Press, 2011) p.194-5; On Bourdieu and Habitus, see: John Codd, ‘Making Distinctions: The Eye of the Beholder’, in an Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu, ed. Richard Harker, Cheleen Mahar and Chris Wilkes (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1990) 132-159; Nick Crossley, ‘The Phenomenological Habitus and Its Construction’, Theory and Society, 30.1, (2001) 81-120; On performance and post-structuralism, see: Madan Sarup, An Introductory Guide to Post-Structuralism and Post Modernism, 2nd Ed. (New York, London, Toronto, Sydney, Tokyo, Singapore: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993) p.3
35 The notion of disciplinary power, introduced by Michel Foucault, will be used throughout this dissertation. Disciplinary powers, institutions, exercised maximum social control with minimum force. A disciplinary power has the ability to normalise beliefs, values and behaviours, such as chivalry in the middle ages. For more on this, see: Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison (London: Penguin, 2019) p.227; Margaret A. Patemek, ‘Norms and Normalization: Michel Foucault’s Overextended Panoptic Machine’, Human Studies, 10.1, (1987) 97-121; Tony Schirato, Geoff Danaher and Jen Webb, Understanding Foucault: A Critical Introduction, 2nd ed. (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC: Sage, 2012); It is not only Foucault who is preoccupied with power. Power is a theme that appears in many post-structuralist works, such as; Fredrich Nietzsche, The Will to Power (London: Penguin, 2017); Roland Barthes, The Language of Fashion, trans. Andy Stafford, ed. Andy Stafford and Michael Carter (London, New Delhi, New York, Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2013)
36 David Green, The Hundred Years War: A People’s History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2014)
37 Christopher Thomas Allmand, The Hundred Years War: England and France at War C.1300-C.1450 (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1988)
38 For examples of literature on the Hundred Years War that focus on battle and conflict, see: Jonathan Sumpton, The Hundred Years War I: Trial by battle (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990); Alfred H. Bume, The Agincourt War: A Military History of the Hundred Years War from 1369-1453 (London: Frontline Books, 2014); Anne Curry and Michael Hughes, Arms, Armies and Fortifications in the Hundred years War (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1994); Anne Curry, The Hundred Years War, 1337-1453 (London: Osprey Publishing, 2014)
39 Nicholas Wright, Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1998) p.26; That is not to say that Le Jouvencel is not a useful source, only that is has predominantly been used by historians to advance martial arguments, rather than used as one example of an ever-changing knightly norm. Craig Taylor’s new work discusses le Jouvencel provides an excellent account of the work as designed to provide military leaders with advice on chivalry, knighthood and warfare. However, the work cannot be used, as it has in the past, to advise only on martial aspects of chivalry and knighthood, and should be used as an example of one ‘type’ of chivalry and knighthood: Craig Taylor and Jane H.M. Taylor, Jean de Bueil: Le Jouvencel (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer Ltd, 2020)
40 Primary evidence of Charles V and how he became the chivalric standard can be found in: Christine de Pizan, ‘From The Books of the Deeds and Good Character of King Charles V the wise’, in The Writings of Christine de Pizan, ed. Charity Cannon Willard (New York: Persea Books, 1994) 233-248
41 Wollock, Rethinking Chivalry and Courtly Love, p.190, Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France During the Hundred Years War, p.32
42 Sandra L. Hindman, ‘With Ink and Mortar: Christine de Pizan “Cité de Dames”’, Feminist Studies, 10.03 (1984), 457-483 (p.472); For feminist works on Pizan, and works that have focused specifically on the female gender, see: Susan Signe Morrison, ‘Christine de Pizan (1364-C.1431): Vocal Feminist, in Medieval Woman’s Companion: Women’s Lives in the European Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2016) 160168; Maureen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizan’s Cite Des Dames (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1991); Renate Blumenfeld Kosinski, ‘Christine de Pizan and the Misogynistic tradition’, RomanticReview, 81.3, (1990) 279-92; S. H. Rigby, ‘The Wife of Bath, Christine de Pizan and the Medieval Case for Women’, The Chaucer Review, 35-2, (2000) 133-165; Tracy Adams, Christine de Pizan and the Fight for France (University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2014) p.105; Margaret Brabant, Politics, Gender, and Genre (London and New York: Routledge, 1992); Nadia Margolis, ‘A Feminist-Historical Citadel: Christine de Pizan’s Book of the City of Ladies’, in Feminist moments: Reading Feminist Texts (London, Oxford, New York, New Delhi, Sydney: Bloomsbury,2016) 11-18
43 Kate Langdon Forhan, ‘Christine de Pizan (1364-C.2430)’, in Encyclopaedia of Political Theory: A-E, ed. Mark Bevir (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, WashingtonDC: SAGE, 2010) p.372
44 Forhan, ‘Christine de Pizan (1364-C.2430)’, p.372; Judith Laird, ‘Autobiographical Revelations of Christine de Pizan in her ‘Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V’, South Central Review, 14.2, (Summer, 1997), 56-67 (p.58); Christine de Pizan, Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V: 2 Volumes, ed. Suzanne Solente (Paris: Champion, 1937) (1:33)
45 Charity Cannon Willard, ‘Introduction’, in The Vision of Christine de Pizan (Cambridge: The Boydell and brewer ltd, 2005) p.2-4
46 Sandra Hindman, ‘The Composition of the Manuscript of Christine de Pizan’s Collected Works in the British library: A reassessment’, The British Library Journal, 9.2, (1983) 93-123; For the sources used by Hindman, in her study of library inventories that is relevant to the dissertation, see: Published by J. Guiffrey, Inventories de Jean due de Berry(l40l -1416), 2 Vols. (Paris, 1894-6) no.s 932, 949, 952, 959, 1004, 1239; G. Doutrepont, Inventories de la 'Librairie' de Philippe le Bon (1420), (Brussels, 1906) no.s 8, 98, 109, 117, 124, 130-1; A. Le Roux de Lincy, 'La Bibliotheque de Charles d'Orleans a son château de Blois en 1427', Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Charles V, pp. 1-59, nos. 16, 23, 28; P. Champion, La Librairie de Charlesd’Orléans (Paris, 1910)
47 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofChivalry in France during the Hundred Years War, p.13
48 Ibid.,p.l3
49 Jennifer Summit, Lost Property: The Woman Writer and English Literary History (Chicago and London: University of Chicago andLondonPress, 2000) p.71-2
50 Barbara K. Altmann, Deborah L. McGrady, Christine de Pizan: A Casebook (London and New York: Routledge, 2003) p.671; Thérèse Moreau, ‘Promenade en Féminie: Christine de Pizan, un imaginaire au feminin’, Nouvelles QuestionsFéministes, 22.2, (2003) 14-27
51 Pizan wrote two books entitled Cent Ballads, with the first being written around 1402, and the Cent Ballades d’amant et de Dame being an extension of the first work; Christine de Pizan, Cent Ballades d’amant et de dame, presentation edition and translation of Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet (Paris: Gallimard, 2019); For a good translation of Chamy’s work, see: Geoffroi de Chamy,4 Knights Own Book of Chivalry, intro. Richard W. Kaeuper, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005); The translation noted previously is based on the following manuscripts: Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique: 1124-26, ff 83-136; Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, nouvelle acquisitions francaise 4736, ff 3687; The following digitized edition will be used in comparison to the translated edition: Geoffroi de Chamy, ‘Le Livre Messire Geoffroi de Chamy; Les Demandes Pour la Joust; Les Demandes Pour le Toumoi; Les Demandes Pour la Guerre; Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, La Librairie des dues de Bourgogne: manuscripts conservés a la Bibliotheque royale de Belgique, 2003, Vol. II, p. 233-237; available at: https://uurl.kbr.be/1747009 [Accessed 25 June 2020],
52 Christine de Pizan, TheBookofthe Queen, Harley MS 4431 (British Library, 1410-14); It is thought that the composition of the manuscript Harley MS 4431 was supervised by Pizan directly and some passages are believed to have been physically written by her; making them a useful insight into Pizan’s composition process.
53 For the edition used in this dissertation, see: Chamy,H Knight’s Own Book of Chivalry; For a manuscript copy of Le Livre Chevalerie, see: Geoffroi de Chamy, ‘Collection for the Use of a Herald in Arms’, NAF 4736 (National Library ofFrance, 15™ Century) https://archivesetmanuscrits.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cc406022 [Accessed 03 June 2020]
54 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofKnighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.35
55 Ibid., p.35
56 The editions used for the dissertation are: Jean Froissart, Chroniques, Vol.2, Royal MS 18 EI (The British Library, 4th Quarter of the 15th Century) http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplav.aspx?ref=Roval MS 18 E I [Accessed 03 June 2020]; Jean Froissart, Chroniques, Vol.4, RoyalMS 18 EII (The BritishLibrary, c.1480) http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplav.aspx?ref=Roval MS 18 E II [Accessed 03 June 2020]; The Above two copies of Chronique were made in Bruges in the late 15th century, likely for William, 1st Baron of Hastings, Volume 4 is held in Getty Museum Los Angeles, and the first volume of this set has not been traced; The translated edition used for the dissertation will be: Jean Froissart, Chronicles, ed and trans by Geoffrey Brereton (Bungay, Suffolk: Penguin books, 1978); For Méliador, no English translation exists so two manuscripts will be drawn upon to allow for breaks in pages and quality of manuscripts: Jean Froissart, Roman de Méliador, French Department, 12557, (National Library of France, 1390-1400) https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btvlb9061107h/f5.image: The second document used is a French translation of 30,771 lines that took place in 1895-99, appearing in three volumes that have since been reprinted at request by Paranava Books (India). The dissertation primarily uses volume one of this work, for the reference see: Auguste Longnon, Méliador Par Jean Froissart: Roman Comprenant Les Poesies Lyriques de Wenceslas de Boheme, Duck de Lexembourg et de Brabant, Publie Pour La Premiere Fois Par Auguste Longnon, Tome I, (The society of ancient French texts, 1895)
57 Peter F. Dembowski, Jean Froissart and hisMéliador: Context, Craft and Sense (Lexington, Kentucky: French Forum Publishers, 1983); There are only two known manuscripts of Froissart’s Méliador, in comparison to the hundred and fifty manuscripts, found across Europe and North America, of Chroniques: Peter Ainsworth and Godfried Croenen, The Online Froissart, (2007-10) https://www.dhi.ac.uk/onlinefroissart/ [Accessed 03 June 2020]; The most extensive to work examine Méliador has been Dombrowski’s, but other scholars have examined Méliador. For example, see: Daisy Delogu, ‘Armes, Amours, Écriture: Figures de L’Écrivain Dans Le ‘Méliador’, de Jean Froissart’/ Weapons, Love, Writing: Figures of the Writer in jean Froissart’s Méliador’, Médiévales: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, authors own translation, 41, (2001) 133-148; Dominique Stutzmann, ‘Un Deuxiéme Fragment Du Poéme Historique de Froissart’, Bibliotheque de L’Ecole Des Chartes, 164.2, (2006) 573-80
58 Dembowski, Jean Froissart and hisMéliador: Context Craft and Sense, p.13, 17
59 Cuvelier, The Song of Bertrand du Guesclin, ed. And trans. Nigel Bryant (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019); Christine de Pizan, The Book of Deeds of Arms of Chivalry, ed. Charity Cannon Willard, trans. Sumner Willard (University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999)
60 Christine de Pizan, ‘LVUI: Sir Knight, you like Pretty Words’ (1402), ed. Charity Cannon Willard, The Writings ofChristine de Pizan (New York: Persea Books, 1994) 45- 46
61 Francis Beaumont, a Benedictine Monk, declared chivalry a satire. The work was discussed and printed by: Andre Vemet, ‘Le tragicum argumentum de miserabili statu regni Francie de Francois de Monte Belluna (1357)’ Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l’Historie de France (1962-63); Found in, Richard W, Kaeuper, ‘Introduction’, in A knights own book of Chivalry, ed. Richard w. Kaeuper, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvaniaPress, 2005) p.19, 44
62 On Jean II, and his motivations behind the reform of chivalry during the early years of his kingship, see: Richard W. Kaeuper and Elspeth Kennedy, The Book of Chivalry of Geoffroi de Charny: Text, Context and Translation (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania, 1996) p.52
63 Pizan, Cent Ballades d’amant et de dame; Chamy,U Knight’s Own Book of Chivalry; On Habitus, see: Karl Maton, ‘Habitus’, in Pierre Bourdieu: Key Concepts, 2nd ed., ed. Michel James Grenfell (London and New York: Routledge, 2008)48-64
64 Martin Boddenberg, The Representation of Men in ‘Guy of Warwick’ and ‘King Horn’, (Germany: GRIN Verlag, 2013) p.l
65 David Crouch, The Birth of Nobility: Constructing Aristocracy in England and France, 900-1300 (Oxon and New York: Routledge, 2005) p.53; Matthew Bennett, ‘Why Chivalry? Military ‘Professionalism’ in the Twelfth Century: The Origins and Expressions of a Socio-military Ethos’, in The Chivalric Ethos and the Development of Military Professionalism, ed. David J.B. Trim (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2003) 41-66 (p.56)
66 Importantly, this early use of the word Chevalerie can be used to understand why scholars have a tendency to focus on religious or martial arguments; as that is the way in which the term was first used. However, by the middle ages’ chivalry had a very different meaning, and want no longer unique to French society, but a European phenomenon; Sarah Douglas, ‘Review: Chivalry in Medieval England, by Nigel Saul’, (2011) https://origins.osu.edu/review/knighthood-it-was-not-we-wish-it- were#:~:text=Chivalrv%20as%20a%20concept%20emerged.name%20from%20cheval%2C%20or%20ho rse. [Accessed 12 June 2020]
67 David Crouch, ‘The Preudomme’, in The Chivalric Turn: Conduct and Hegemony in Europe Before 1300’, ed. David Crouch (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019); This dissertation uses the work of Crouch to understand the Preudomme, for other examples of his work, see: David Crouch, ‘The Violence of the Preudomme’, in Prowess, Piety and Public Order in Medieval Society (Leiden, Boston: BRILL,
68 Crouch, ‘Conduct’, p.194; Maurice Keen, ‘The Idea of Nobility’, in Chivalry (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984) 143-162
69 The contemporary use of habitus was introduced into sociological studies by Pierre Bourdieu and defined as a series of dispositions, either conscious or unconscious, created and adjusted by social structural and personal histories: Pierre Bourdieu,n/ger/'a I960: The Disenchantment of the World, The Sense of Honour, The Kabyle house or the world Reverses (Cambridge, London, New York and Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1979) p.vii; Cheleen Mahar, Richard Harker and Chris Wilkes, ‘The Basic Theoretical Position’, in An introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu: The Practice of Theory, ed. Cheleen Mahar, RichardHarkerand Chris Wilkes (Hampshire, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1990) 1-25 (p.10-12)
70 Norbert Elias, ‘Etiquette and Ceremony: Conduct and Sentiment of Human Beings as Functions of the Power Structure of their Society’, in The CourtSociety (Oxford: Blackwell Press, 1983) 78-116 (p.104);
71 Crouch, ‘The Preudomme’, p.78-82; Boddenberg, The Representation of Men in ‘Guy of Warwick’ and ‘King Horn’ p.l
72 Keen, Chivalry, p.16-17
73 Gautier, Chivalry: The Everyday Life of the Medieval Knight, p.7; Defining the Chivalric Habitus: Considering that Habitus is a shared, ingrained set of habits, skills or dispositions possessed by individuals of groups (such as class or gender), the Chivalric habitus was arguably so ingrained into the knightly experience that it began to feel natural, and therefore it has been overlooked as its own category of habitus. It should be said that the chivalric habitus was a series of dispositions that affected the other habitus’ that the knight was a part of. For example, the ideals of honour, prowess, loyalty, generosity and bravery, all have a role within institutional habitus’, but are central to the chivalric habitus that overall determines the experience ofknights within institutional habitus’.
74 Deborah A. Fraioli, Joan of Arc and the Hundred Years War (Westport, Connecticut and London: Greenwood Press, 2005) p.36-7; J. B. Trim, The Chivalric Ethos and the Development of Military Professionalism, ed. David J. B. Trim (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2003) p.71-77; Some scholars have more narrowly focused on the rival of Arthurian literary ideals of chivalry in relation to the hundred years war. For example: Piotr Sadowski, The Knight on His Quest: Symbolic Patterns of Transition in Sire Gawain and the Green Knight (Newark and London: University of Delaware Press and Associated University Presses, 1996) p.53
75 The problems of the fourteenth century, not only unique to France but affecting most of Europe, have commonly been known as the crisis of the fourteenth century, for more on the crisis and other problems, see: B. M. S. Campbell, The Great Transition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016); David, Routt, ‘The Economic Impact of the Black Death’, EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples, (2008) Available at: http://eh.net/encvclopedia/the-economic-impact-of-the-black-death/ [Accessed 18 June 2020]; John Aberth, From the Brink of Apocalypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague and Death in the Later Middle Ages (New York and London: Routledge: 2013); Christopher Allmand, War, Government and Power in Late Medieval France (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000); On increased taxes, see: John Bell Henneman, Royal Taxation in Fourteenth-Century France: The Development of War Financing 1322-1356 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1971); Johnathan Daly, The Rise of Western Power: A Comparative History of Western Civilisation (London, New Delhi, New York and Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2014) p.100; Jean Brissaud, ‘The Feudal Period, The Feudal State: Seigniories and Communes’, in A History of French Public Law (Washington, D.C: Beardbooks, 1915) 210-241 (p.223); William C. Jordan, The Middle Ages: An Encyclopedia for Students, Volume 4 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1996)p.l07
76 Taxes such as the taille, a direct tax on the French peasantry, generated discontent amongst the lower orders of French society and resulted in revolts such as the Jacquerie revolt in Paris (1357-8); On the Jacquerie revolt, see: Viktor Ivanovich Rutenburg, Feudal Society and It’s Culture (Moscow, Russia: Progress Publishers, 1988) p.3; Samuel Kline Jr Cohn, Popular Protest in Late-Medieval Europe: Italy, France and Flanders (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2004) p.143; Wright, Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside, p.84; Other taxations such as the gabelle, a salt tax, and trading taxes ensued the Harelle revolt in Rouen: John Bell Henneman, ‘Gabelle’, in Routledge Revivals: Medieval France (1995): An Encyclopedia, ed. William W. Kibler and Grover A. Zinn (London and New York: Routledge, 2011) p.379; A good collection of sources on the tax revolt of Rouen, see: Cohn, Popular Protest in Late-Medieval Europe: Italy, France and Flanders, p.275-281, 289293, 306-311 On Fiscal Policy, see: William W. Kibler and Grover A. Zinn, Routledge Revivals: Medieval France (1995): An Encyclopedia (London and New York: Routledge, 2011) p.705; John Bell Henneman, ‘Nobility, Privilege and Fiscal Policy in Late Medieval France’, French Historical Studies, 13.1, (1983) 117
77 G. C. Macauly, The Chronicles of Froissart, trans. Lord Berners (London: Macmillan and Co., 1904), pp. 136-137
78 Crouch, ‘The Courtly Habitus’, p.129
79 Erving Goffman, The Presentation ofSelfin EverydayLife (London: 1990) p.13
80 The notion of chivalry as a representation of landed aristocracy, rather than the lived reality, can be found in: Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (London: Edward Arnold & Co., 1952) For more on Huizinga, and his work The Waning of the Middle Ages, see: Anthony J. Pollard, ‘English Chivalry and the Decline of Strenuous Knighthood in the Later Fifteenth Century’, in Prowess, Piety and Public Order in Medieval Society: Studies in Honor ofRichard W. Kaeuper, ed. Craig M. Nakashian and Daniel P. Franke (Leiden, Boston: BRILL, 2017) 140-160 (p.140-2)
81 In 1337, Charny leads five squires through Gascony under the supervision of the constable of France; Richard W, Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, in A Knights Own Book of Chivalry, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvaniaPress, 2005) 1-16 (p.4)
82 For details of the campaigns in which Charny fought, or assisted in, see: Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.5-12
83 Geoffroi de Charny, ‘The Book of Chivalry’, in A Knights Own Book of Chivalry, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005) 47-107 (p.48, 51-55); Kaeuper, ‘Historical Context’, p. 4; Raymond Cazelles, Société Politique, Noblesse et couronne sous Jean Le Bon et Charles F (Librairie Droz: Paris, 1982) p.13; Steven Muhlburger, Jousts and Tournaments: Charny and the Rulesfor Chivalric Sport in the Fourteenth Century France (Highland Villiage, TX: Chivalry Bookshelf, 2002)
84 After the first peace of the hundred years war, Charny returned to France in 1346, upon news that the Anglo-French war had resumed active fighting; Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.5-6; On Charny in the Humbert Crusade, see: Gregory Kendrick, The Heroic Ideal: Western Archetypes from the Greeks to the Present (Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, 2014) p.83-85; David Whetham, Just Wars and Moral Victories: Surprise, Deception and the Normative Framework of European War in the Middle Ages (Leiden, Boston: BRILL, 2009) 166-196 (p.168); On the Humbert Crusade more specifically, see: Peter Lock, ‘Crusade of Humbert of Viennois, 1345-7’, in The Routledge Companion to the Crusades (London and New York: Routledge, 2006) 193-195; Mike Carr, ‘Humbert of Viennois and the Crusades of Smyrna: AReconsideration’, Crusades, 31.1, (2014) 237-251
85 The oriflamme was the sacred banner of the king of France. It was popular opinion that the barer of the oriflamme was ‘the most worthy and adept warrior’. On the Oriflamme see: Kaeuper, ‘Historical Context’, p.12; JeanFroissart, Chronique, BNFMS FRANCAIS 2662 FOL. 196V (1401-1500), Available at: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btvlb90593275/f206.item [Accessed 24 June 2020]; On the greatness of Charny as a knight, see: Geoffrey le Baker, Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke, ed. Edward M. Thompson (ClarendonPress: Oxford, 1889) p.103
86 Philippe Contamine, ‘L’Oriflamme de Saint-Denis auxXIVe etXVe siècles,\Annales de L’Est 7, (1973), 179-244
87 David Green, The Battle of Poitiers 1356 (Gloucestershire: The History Press, 2008); Morgen Witzel and Marilyn Livingstone, The Black Prince and the Capture of a King: Poitiers 1356 (Philadelphia and Oxford: Casemate Publishers and Book Distributions, 2018)
88 Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.14; Kaeuper references the following text for the translation of the above: Jean Froissart, Oeuvres de Froissart, V, ed. Lettenhove, p.443,453; It is important to note that this patriotic image is reflected also in the physical manuscript, with the first page of Livre de Chevalerie being adorned with images of the French coat of arms; alongside decorative elements showing the colours of France.
89 D’Arcy Johnathan Dacre Boulton, Knights of the Crown: The Monarchical Order of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe 1325-1520 (The Boydell Press: New York, 1897 (2000)) 160-210; Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.35; Geoffroi de Charny, ‘Men-At- Arms Who Undertake Distant Journeys and Pilgrimages’,H Knights Own Book ofChivalry, trans. Elspeth Kennedy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005) p.50-1; For a full collection of Chamy’s work, see the digitized edition: Geoffroi de Charny, ‘Le Livre Messire Geoffroi de Charny; Les Demandes Pour la Joust; Les Demandes Pour le Toumoi; Les Demandes Pour la Guerre; Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, available at: https://uurl.kbr.be/1747009 [Accessed 25 June 2020]
90 Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.5-12
91 Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.17-18; Jean Fillon de Venette, The Chronicle of Jean de Venette, trans. Jean Birdsall, ed. Richard A. Newhall (New York, 1953) p.45; Views of knighthood in the twelfth century, see: Bernard de Clairvaux, ‘On Grace and Free Choice: Praise of the New Knighthood’, in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, vol.7, Treatise III, trans. Daniel O’Donovan and Conrad Greenia (Cistercian fathers series 19: Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1997) 127-167; Other examples of works that provided a critique of fourteenth-century knighthood: Honoré Bonet, L’Arbre des Batailles, ed. Ernest Nys (Bruxelles-Paris, 1883); Much like Huizinga, who argued that chivalry was a facade, Bonet posed that chivalric performance was just that: a performance. L’Arbre des Batailles was intended for knights ‘engaged in war’, and as such, with the exception of bravery, highlighting the overlap of ideal and what Bonet hopes to be reality, Bonet does not considered stereotypical ideal chivalric values found in literature. Instead, he emphasised the roman tradition, looking back to times of proper chivalric endeavour. Yet, although he criticised chivalry, he proposed reform using the same method as Chamy. For more on Honoré Bonet’s L’Arbre des Batailles, see: Raymond L. Kilgour, ‘Honoré Bonet: A Fourteenth-Century Critic of Chivalry’, PMLA, Modern Language Association, 50.2, (1935), 352-361; Raymond Kilgour, ‘Three Religious Critics of Chivalry’, in The Decline of Chivalry (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1937) 148-194
92 Painter, French Chivalry: Chivalric Ideas and Practices in Mediaeval France p.29
93 Chamy, ‘The Scale of Prowess and Types of Men-at-Arms’, p.47-8; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, p.84-85
94 Chamy, The Book of Chivalry, p.50, 51, 79, 106; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, p.878; p.253-4
95 Chamy, The Book of Chivalry, p.49; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, p.174-5; Boulton, The Knights of the Crown: The Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325-152, P-11
96 Duby, The ChivalrousSociety, p.95
97 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofKnighthood in France During the Hundred Year War, p.5
98 Even in our primary sources that are deemed ‘factual’, because they contain no characters or fictional plot, they still must be probed for reliability. Chamy’s work, as shown above, is widely accepted as one of the most important work’s on medieval knighthood and chivalry due to his first-person voice; writing whilst a practising knight. However, Charny is not writing is not writing the ‘reality’ of knighthood. Charny is attempting reform; showing the qualities that should be embodied by men-at-arms; using chivalric qualities to reform behaviours. Scholars who refrain from using fictional literature, need to better question of the so- called ‘factual’ sources they are using.
99 Keen, Chivalry, p.14; Kaeuper, ’Historical Introduction’, p.27-31; Charny, The Book ofChivalry, p.94; For more specificities on courtly conduct, see: Elias, ‘Etiquette and Ceremony’, p.93-7
100 Bourdieu,Algerial960: TheDisenchantmentofthe World, TheSenseofHonour, TheKabylehouseor the world Reverses, p.vii; For more on the chivalric habitus, see footnote 82.
101 Keen, Chivalry, p.14
102 Geoffroi de Charny, ‘The Scale of Prowess and Types of Men-at-Arms’, in A Knights Own Book of Chivalry, trans. ElspethKennedy (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvaniaPress, 2005) p.47-8
103 Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.23; Geoffroi de Charny, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, La Librairie des dues de Bourgogne: manuscrits conservés a la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, 2003, Vol. II, p. 233-237 (p.171), available at: https://uurl.kbr.be/1747009 [Accessed 25 June 2020]
104 Chamy, ‘The Scale of Prowess and Types of Men-at-Arms’, p.48; Erving Goffman, 'The Presentation ofSelfin Everyday Life, p.13
105 Chamy, A Book of Chivalry, p.49; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, (p.87-88 of manuscript)
106 Chamy,U BookofChivalry, p.106; ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, (pl74-5)
107 Chamy,U BookofChivalry, p.106; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, (pl74-5)
108 As a preudomme was not only a knight, but rather any man, Chamy extends his notion to fit all men capable in society. For more on this, see: Crouch, ‘The Preudomme’, p.58
109 In recent years that has been a turn to emotional history that this dissertation does not have the ability to capture. However, specifically on the emotion of fear and its significance to knighthood, see: Craig Taylor, ‘Military Courage and Fear in Late Medieval French Chivalric Imagination’, Cahiers de Recherches Medievales et Humanistes, 24 (2012), 129-147; Richard W. Kaeuper, ‘Anger, Wrath, Fear, Thirst for Vengeance’, in Medieval Chivalry (Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, New Delhi, Singapore: Cambridge University Press, 2016) 353-391; Chamy, ‘Le Livre de Chevalerie; ms. 11124-26’, p.174-5
110 Taylor, ‘Military Courage and Fear in Late Medieval French Chivalric Imagination’, 129-147; Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.9; Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France During the Hundred Years War, p.151, 180; For an example of a specific battle, see: Graham Cushway, ‘The Crecy Campaign and Calais (1342-1347), in Edward III and the War at Sea: The English Navy, 1327-1377 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2011) 114-129 (p.125)
111 Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals ofKnighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.178
112 For examples of works of the period that highlight mercy as an important quality, see: Bisclavret/ The Werewolf: A Baron in werewolf form begs for mercy from his king, is spared due to his noble actions. Marie de France, ‘Bisclavret’, in Marie de France Poetry, ed. Dorothy Gilbert (W.W. Norton and Company, inc.: USA, 2015) 48-65; Marie de France, French Medieval Romances from the Lais of Marie de France, trans. Eugene Mason, (Portland: The Floating Press, 2011) p.165; Taylor, Chivalry and the Ideals of Knighthood in France during the Hundred Years War, p.178; M. Strickland, ‘Killing or Clemency? Ransom, Chivalry and Changing Attitudes to Defeated Opponents in Britain and Northern France, 7-12th Centuries’, in Krieg im Mittelalter, ed. H.H. Kortum (Berlin, 2001)p.ll5; Chrétien de Troyes uses his literature to promote mercy as a virtue that the character of Lancelot embraces. Lancelot is not a perfect chivalrous character, reflecting to some extent the impossible expectations placed upon knighthood through chivalry, but his attempts at mercy are a redeemable quality for those that he cannot obtain: Chrétien de Troyes, Arthurian Romances, trans., intro., notes. William W. Kibler (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1991); Chrétien de Troyes, Four Arthurian Romances: ‘Erec et Enide’, ‘Cliges’, ‘Yvain’, and ‘Lancelot’, (Project Gutenberg, 2008 (2016), available at: https://www.gutenberg.Org/files/831/831-h/831-h.htm#link2H 4 0006 [Accessed 26 June 2020]; Christine de Pizan, The Epistle of the Prison of Human Life: With an Epistle to the Queen of France and Lament on the Evils of the Civil War, Volume XXI, ed. Josette A. Wisman (London and New York: Routledge, 2019);
113 Charny, Book ofChivalry, p.70
114 Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.10-11; For more on the pressure to spare enemies, see: Martin Aruell, ‘Clerical Instruction and Civilizing Knightly Mores’, in The Lettered Knight: Knowledge and Aristocratic Behaviour in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Budapest and New York: CEU Press, 2017) 229-280 (p.264); ElizabethPorter, ‘Chaucer’s Knight, the Alliterative MorteArthure, and Medieval Laws of War: a Reconsideration’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 27 (1983) 56-75; For a work that notes the complex interrelations between mercy and vengeance, and begins the important work of uncovering mercy as the chivalric quality and vengeance as the reality, see: Richard W. Kaeuper, ‘Vengeance and Mercy in Chivalric Mentalite’, in Kings, Knights and Bankers, ed. Christopher Guyol (Boston, Leiden: BRILL, 2016) p.377-388
115 Tony Waters, When Killing is a Crime (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007) p.38; Helen M. Kinsella, The Image before the Weapon: A Critical History of the Distinction between Combatant and Civilian (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2011) p.43; Painter, French Chivalry: Chivalric Ideas andPractices inMediaevalFrance, p.61; Kaeuper, ‘Historical Introduction’, p.18
116 Charny, TheBookofChivalry, p.74
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