This study on the sectarian discourse in Jhang tries to understand the phenomenon by employing the cultural tools of inquiry. It seeks to investigate sectarianism by exploring those sectarian performances, which, inherently, are culture specific.
These performances are the parts of discourse. Every discursive position in the shape of a particular viewpoint involves some practices and performances. These performances, according to the newly emerging theories of cultural performance, seek credibility from the audience to achieve a dominant position in a discourse. This credibility is a relationship between the performance and the audience in a particular culture. It is a subjective relationship which varies with the changing dynamics of time and space. Similar discursive formations have differences of structural building in different sets of cultural conditions.
The hegemonic status of a particular viewpoint in a particular discourse depends upon the intensity of relationship between the act and the audience in the performances attached with that viewpoint. This relationship is relative, and this relativity keeps the discursivity alive in a discourse. This relativity rather than the absoluteness keeps the struggle alive and reduces the level of inertia in a society.
Sectarian performances, in this study, include textual, oral and customary performances. It also includes the concept of cultural script for the examination of cultural sectarian performances. This categorization yearns to explore sectarian texts, sectarian oral traditions and some customary practices. This scheme of research will help to find the cultural roots of sectarianism and will be equally significant for the overall understanding of the issue, which till now, is understood dominantly as religious and to some partially socio-political.
Pakistani society has been the victim of shia-sunni sectarian violence over the last four decades which has engulfed the peace of the country by appearing in various ways. Its appearance in both violent and non-violent ways, has affected almost the whole country but Jhang, a district of Punjab province, stands prominent.
Sectarianism in Jhang attracted the attention of journalistic and academic analysis. The works of Khalid Ahmad, Tahir Kamran, and Mariam Abou Zahab cover the different aspects of the issue. Most of the works discuss historical, political and socio-economic aspects of sectarianism.
Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction
1.1. District Jhang: Present and Past
1.2. Religious tradition in Jhang: from sufi spirituality to sectarianism
1.2.1. Elections 1951
1.2.2. Ḥasū Bulail incident 1957
1.2.3. Sectarian victimizations in 1960s
1.2.4. Bāb al-ʿUmar incident 1969
1.2.5. Foundation of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥaba
1.3. Literature review
1.3.1. Doctrinal aspects
1.3.2. Constitutional issue
1.3.3. Extra-territorial aspects
1.3.4. Socio-political
1.3.5. Socio-cultural
1.4. Description of research
1.5. Theoretical framework
1.5.1. Systems of collective representation
1.5.2. Actor
1.5.3. Observer/Audience
1.5.4. Means of symbolic production
1.5.5. Mise-en-scène
1.5.6. Social power
1.6. Research methodology
Chapter 2 Sectarian Discourse in Socio-Cultural Contexts
2.1. Introduction
2.1.1. Conceptualising culture
2.1.2. Cultural script
2.2. Socio-cultural patterns: Depositories of shared meaning
2.2.1. Lingual depositories
2.2.2. Social customs
2.2.3. Caste based structures
2.2.4. Recent developments
2.3. Socio-cultural patterns and sectarian discourse
2.3.1. Interaction between socio-cultural and religious script
2.3.2 Sufism: Scriptural coexistence
2.3.3 Sectarian modes of scriptural reflexivity
2.4. Impact of socio-cultural patterns on sectarian discourse
2.4.1. De-construction of religious space and time
2.4.2. Expansion and contraction of sectarian boundaries
2.4.3. Neo-sectarian developments
2.5. Summary
Chapter 3 Oral Sectarian Performances: Ontological Reciprocity
3.1. Introduction
3.1.1. Conceptualising oral performance
3.1.2. Oral traditions and the sectarian discourse in Jhang
3.2. Sunni speech
3.2.1. Khuṭba
3.2.2. Bayān
3.2.3. Ṭāhir al-Qādirī’s speech: Performance of wilāya (authority)
3.2.4. Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī’s speech: Performance of Shahāda (martyrdom)
3.3. Shia Majālis (congregation)
3.3.1. Structure of the majlis tradition
3.3.2. Ᾱghā Nasīm ʿAbbās’ speech: Performance of namāz (obligatory prayers)
3.4. Performative analysis of Sunni and Shia oral presentations
3.4.1. Structural borrowings and pragmatism
3.4.2. Emergence of neo patterns
3.5. Summary
Chapter 4 Textual Sectarian Performance: Reconstruction of the ‘Other’
4.1. Introduction
4.2. Rāfḍiyya and Nāṣbiyya
4.2.1. Introducing the performers
4.2.2. Selection of the texts
4.2.3. Theoretical explanations
4.3. Polemical texts on Hadith al-Thaqlain
4.3.1. Building the polemical arguments
4.3.2. Contesting the contents
4.4. Critical evaluation of Thaqlain texts
4.4.1 Contextualisation and entexualisation
4.4.2. Risk
4.4.3 Detachability
4.4.4. Strategy
4.4.5. Cultural extension
4.5. Summary
Chapter 5 Conclusion
5.1 Concluding and comprehending the discussion in the last three chapters
5.1.1 Sectarianism as a product: Shifting the Agency
5.1.2 Sectarian Reflexivity:
5.1.3 Scripting the Sectarian ‘other’
5.2 Current Scenario
5.2.1 Emotional arousal and Barelwī-Shia
5.2.2 Political resonance and Deo-Barelwiyyat
5.2.3 Wahhābī Shia’s Jurisprudential Strength
5.2.4 Psychological Identification and Deo-Wahhābiyyat
5.3 Way Forward
Glossary
Bibliography
II. List of Interviews
Abstract
Sectarianism involves differences, divisions and ruptures with a supposedly homogenous religious community or group, which often ignites flames of religious violence between sects over doctrinal differences. Pakistani society has been the victim of shia-sunni sectarian violence over the last four decades, which has engulfed the peace of the country by appearing in various ways. Its appearance in both violent and non-violent ways, has affected almost the whole country but Jhang, a district of Punjab province, stands prominent. Its central position is due to many reasons, which include the influence of Shia feudals in the politics, the foundation of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥāba and the demographic proportion of sectarian populations after the establishment of Pakistan. Sectarianism in Jhang attracted the attention of journalistic and academic analysis. The works of Khalid Ahmad, Tahir Kamran, and Mariam Abou Zahab cover the different aspects of the issue. Most of the works discuss historical, political and socio-economic aspects of sectarianism. The present study on the sectarian discourse in Jhang tries to understand the phenomenon by employing the cultural tools of inquiry.
It seeks to investigate sectarianism by exploring those sectarian performances, which, inherently, are culture specific. These performances are the parts of discourse. Every discursive position in the shape of a particular viewpoint involves some practices and performances. These performances, according to the newly emerging theories of cultural performance, seek credibility from the audience to achieve a dominant position in a discourse. This credibility is a relationship between the performance and the audience in a particular culture. It is a subjective relationship which varies with the changing dynamics of time and space. Similar discursive formations have differences of structural building in different sets of cultural conditions. The hegemonic status of a particular viewpoint in a particular discourse depends upon the intensity of relationship between the act and the audience in the performances attached with that viewpoint. This relationship is relative, and this relativity keeps the discursivity alive in a discourse. This relativity rather than the absoluteness keeps the struggle alive and reduces the level of inertia in a society.
Sectarian performances, in this study, include textual, oral and customary performances. It also includes the concept of cultural script for the examination of cultural sectarian performances. This categorization yearns to explore sectarian texts, sectarian oral traditions and some customary practices. This scheme of research will help to find the cultural roots of sectarianism and will be equally significant for the overall understanding of the issue, which till now, is understood dominantly as religious and to some partially socio-political.
Acknowlegdment
The foremost gratitude for the beginning and successful completion of my doctoral book goes to Professor Jamal Malik. He is remarkable in maintaining his academic beneficence, while, both encouraging and criticizing the research work. Diversity of scholarship under his patronage, pursuing doctoral and post-doctoral research projects also enabled me to have a multiple angle of self-evaluations. At second, I am highly obliged to Professor Hans Harder for being my second supervisor and also for allocating a space to me in his graduate colloquium. It was an immense pleasure to present my work in his study circle at South Asian Study Center, University of Heidelberg. His feedback widened the extent of theoretical understanding and helped to bring the theory and subject in concert with each other.
I am at the loss of words to extend gratitude to the scholarly and social contribution of Professor Christopher Bultmann. He always remained at a nourishing end. I enjoyed teaching a course with him at University of Erfurt. The consultations and feedback by Professor Francis Robinson and Professor Sarah Ansari during a research visit of United Kingdom in 2015 were not only encouraging but also helped in the future advancement of my research. The list of acknowledgements will be incomplete without mentioning the support extended by Professor Jeffrey Alexander, Center for Cultural Sociology, Yale University, USA. It was remarkably helpful to present my research work carved in his theoretical concepts in a workshop session at CCS, Yale University.
As mentioned above, Professor Jamal Malik runs a diverse group of researchers. Their areas of research range from literature to political aspects of Muslim societies and cultures. Dr. Saeed Zarrabi-Zadeh, Dr Misbah al-Rehman and Dr. Surraya are among the people who always helped me resolve various questions which I came across during my studies. I found them ever ready to extend their experience and knowledge to the newcomer PhD scholars. Learning of Persian language, while I lived at Erfurt was also a privilege which Dr. Zarrabi-Zadeh and Dr. Surraya bestowed courteously. I am grateful to the extension of immense support, throughout my stay at Erfurt, by two of my best friends Dr. Hasnain Bokhari and Dr. Syed Furrukh Zad Ali Shah. They were sources of strength and encouragement.
Being a member of History department, Bahauddin Zakariya University, I am pleased to admit the scholarly contribution of Professor Muhammad Farooq, Professor Javaid Akhtar Salyana, Professor Shafiq Bhatti, Professor Shams al-Rehman, Professor Mumtaz Khan, Mr. Rehan Iqbal and Mrs Farheen Altaf in my early academic research training. I extend my special thanks to Professor Shafiq Bhatti, whose guidance and criticism regarding my PhD research helped me a lot. The friends who helped me and assisted me in conducting the research tours of United Kingdom and field research in Pakistan include Haroon Abbas, Fakhar Bilal, Tanveer Ahmad Tabish, Ismail Khan Alyana, Imran Iqbal, Zeeshan Raza Khokher and Ghulam Ali Gujjar. I am obliged to their support.
The physical and moral support of my family members, my mother, brothers and sisters, made it comfortable for me to remain engaged with my research pursuits. Sabeeka Ali, my better half, extended her real support to conclude my project. Her assistance enhanced my courage and commitment with my work.
Dedicated
To my Parents
Mubarak Ali Khan Saleem (Late) & Shamim Akhtar
List of Figures:
Figure 1 District Jhang (Pre 2010)
Figure 2 District Jhang (Post 2010)
List of Tables:
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Chapter 1 Introduction
Sectarianism has become a significant aspect of the religious development. Sects owe their existence because of difference in opinion regarding the belief structure and the understanding of religion in practice. Sectarianism emerges because of absolute claims of truth by one particular sect rejecting the rest.1 This phenomenon has been observed in most of the religions across the globe.2 Sectarianism, being based on the difference of opinion and performance, involves multiple factors in its developments. These divisive factors include theology, political issues, economic conditions and different social and cultural positions. This trend has exhibited itself differently with the variation of time and space. Its relative position inspires examination and investigation of its development under different conditions of time and circumstances by using multiple tools of academic inquiry. Muslim history shows a remarkable trend of fragmentation and sectarian divisions. This phenomenon exhibited just after the demise of the Prophet on the issue of His succession.3 This issue consolidated some already existing identities besides giving birth to new trends in the religious identity marking. Thaqīfā Banī Saʿdā intensified the anṣār-muhājir binaries and paved the way for the birth of the Quraish/non-Quraish dichotomy. The question of Quraish further subdivided into the Ahl al-Bait and the rest of Quraish.4 With the passage of time these divisions and the patterns of divisions diversified to such an extent that it would require volumes of work to be fully comprehended. This gave birth to the prominence of some personalities, institutions, basic beliefs and some philosophical questions which became identity markers in the intra-religion divisions or sects.5 Geographical and political expansion of Islam added to its divisive phenomenon. In the medieval period these geo-sectarian trends became more prominent and the resonance of these trends can be felt in the historical accounts of that period i.e. Sunnite Central Asia and Shiʿite Iran.6 Similar trends were transferred to India when the Arabs, Persian and Turks had their encounters with India. The establishment of Muslim rule in India and the question of religious identity gave birth to different divisions.7 While championing the ‘divine essence of unity’, Sufism, itself had to fall a prey to certain divisions.8 Chishtiyya, Suhrāwardiyya, Naqshbandiyya and Qādiriyya could not bridge the differences. The Sunnite identity of the Mughal dynasty automatically appears when its downfall is marked and identified as the creation of small Shia states among other reasons.9 The British period brings some major structural changes in the divisive and sectarian identities in Islam in the sub-continent. The advent of the British with the package of modernity and their encounter with Muslim discourses resembled, to an extent, the advent and encounters of Islam and Greek philosophy in the early period of Islam. This encounter resulted in number of responses including the emergence of new structural formations in the sectarian discourse. The traditions established at Bareli and Deoband structured themselves in solid sectarian traditions giving birth to Barelwī and Deobandi sects in the subcontinent. Today’s Shiʿite Islam also owes much to the religious traditions in Lucknow (India) which resulted in the dominance of Ithnā ʿAsharī (Twelvers) tradition. This phenomenon, largely remained in the North India and remained at a distance from the areas comprising today’s Pakistan.10 It does not mean that sectarianism was altogether alien to these areas but will be more appropriate to say that its encounter with these areas was limited. The partition of the Indian Subcontinent resulted in the creation of Pakistan as a Muslim country. This partition also witnessed a large-scale migration of Muslims and Hindus across the borders and gave birth to a new demography.
Pakistan, since its inception, has been encountered with the question of religious identity.11 This question of religious identity was decisive in the development of a new wave of sectarianism. It generated a new trend of Islamism which stood for the political Islamisation of state.12 Excommunication of Aḥmadis proved to be the test case in this regard. The extension of this Islamism in the Islamisation of the Zia regime expanded the sectarian reservations and apprehensions.13 This proved to be a beginning of an altogether new era of religious development and sectarianism. Islamism after passing through the phase of Islamisation ended in religious extremism and violence-based sectarianism. This phenomenon spread all over the country and engulfed the lives of thousands of citizens. The current expressions of this sectarian violence and religious extremism are evident in all the four provinces and Gilgit-Baltistan. Jhang, Dera Ismail Khan, Khairpur, Karachi, Quetta and some other cities have become the centre of sectarian clashes. This new wave of religious extremism started in Jhang after the assassination of Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī which was translated into an act of sectarian violence on the part of Shias.14 It started an unending sectarian clash and bloodshed which remained at full swing for almost a decade and then this followed expansion into rest of the country. The beginning of this new era of religious extremism can be attached to sectarianism. Although sectarianism has emerged as a national issue and has spread all over the country, it contains some distinctive aspects in different areas. It is difficult to grasp the issue, yet it can be explained in some units. The present research intends to examine the sectarianism in the place from where it emerged. District Jhang has been selected for examining the sectarian phenomenon on the basis of its being a central place as far as sectarianism is concerned. This study intends to examine the situation with socio-cultural academic tools.
1.1. District Jhang: Present and Past
Jhang is located, geographically, in the heart of Punjab Province. According to 1998 census the total population of District Jhang was 2834545 out of which urban population was 23 percent and rest was the rural. Male population is 48 percent as compared to the 52 per cent of the female population. Muslims comprised most of the population, 98 per cent, followed by the Aḥmadīs 1.5 and 0.5 percent of the Christian population.15 District Jhang is endowed with some geographical diversity that combines in Jhang, the parts of various natural geographical divisions. It owes its geography by taking shares of land from Sāndal Bār, Kirānā Bār, Thal and Kachhī.16 All these lands are not only defined different in geographical terms, but they also maintain slight socio-cultural difference as well. They are inhabitated with the people, distinguished on the basis of different traits. Sāndal Bār brings the colors of bravery and courage. The people of Kirānā Bār are famous for their modesty and sociability. Kachchī, although a small tract of land, maintains the preservation of folk wisdom and farsightedness. Thal brings the most challengeful life. Most of this division is maintained by the two rivers i.e. Chanāb and Jehlam. Both rivers meet at the place of Tarīmū. Owing to its geographical position based on the multi-regional collaboration it is different from various parts of Punjab. Currently, the District is comprised of four Tehsil units namely, Athara Hazari, Ahmadpur Sayyāl, Shorkot and Jhang. Tehsil Chiniot although left the District in 2010 and has attained the status of a seperate district, still is the part of this book on the basis of selected timespan of the sectarian phenomenon for this research.
This part of land which comprises today’s Jhang has been scattered and politically divided for a long time in history. Shorkot and Chiniot had some recognition even before the foundation stone of Jhang was laid by the descendants of Rāy Sayyāl in 1288.17 The area which Jhang owes from Kirānā Bār had been affiliated with the Bhairā state. Same is the case with Kachhī and Thal that these parts had been oscillating politically between the Amwānī state of Maikans and Multan.18 Yet, historians have consensus that Jhang throughout the medieval period till the advent of Britishers maintained its identity as a chieftainship under or for a small period of time independence under Sayyāl chiefs. This identity was ruined by the advent of Sikh rule just to be re-established in British Colonial period.19 The only identification of Jhang, whatever it was i.e. chieftainship or a tributary state, or an independent position, remained with the Sayyāl chiefs. That is why it is said that “History of Jhang is history of Sayyāl”.20
Today’s Jhang was founded by Mal Khān Sayyāl, the first chief of the state and ninth descendent of Rāy Sayyāl.21 Rāy Sayyāl son of Rāy Shankar belonged to the Panwār Rājpūt of Jaun Pur. After being defeated from Jaun Pur, Rāy Sayyāl took refuge with Farīd al-Dīn, a Chishtī saint and later also embraced Islam at the perusal of saint.22 Rāy Sayyāl was awarded a small jāgīr in Kachchī at Kautlī Bāqir Shāh by the Maikan Rulers of Amwānī.23 They also got benefits from Bahlūl Laudhī, on the recommendation of spiritual leader Shaikh Aḥmad Kabīr Thānī.24 It was the same period when with the help of Laudhī governor of Lahore Mal Khān defeated Walī Dād, Naul Ruler of Brahman Garh25 and after defeating him laid the foundations of new city of Jhang.26 It is also said that he did so on the command of Shair Shāh Jalāl Surkhpaush Bukhārī. The descendants of Rāy Sayyāl enunciated with the Suhrāwardīs of Uch Sharīf on the recommendation of Bābā Farīd.27 Mal Khān founded the city in 1462 and ruled this region till 1503. He was succeeded by his son Daulat Khān. Mal Khān, according to the lineage list preserved by Maulwī Nūr Muḥammad Chailā, was the paternal cousin of famous Hīr Sayyāl.28 This lineage record does not contain any other name that is mentioned in the story constructed around the character of Hīr. Mal Khān was followed by eighteen Sayyāl chiefs among whom Walī Dād Khān was a real exception on the basis of his administrative and political expertise. He enlarged the squeezed geographical territory of Jhang and maintained a well-trained military.
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Table No. 1
Sayyāl chiefs lost their sway at the hands of Sikhs and during whole Sikh period Jhang had been governed from Multan.
After the conquest of Punjab by East India Company in 1849, Jhang assumed the status of district and Shorkot and Chiniot were given the status of its tehsil administrative units.29 The district, with the passage of time, began to lose its some parts. Near the end of twentieth century an eastern tract of land was detached and included in Lyallpur, currently known as Faisalabad. The biggest loss, District confronted with, in the recent time was the segregation of Chiniot from Jhang and latter’s establishment as a new District in 2010. Chiniot also annexed two main towns Bhawāna and Lāliyyān. As this study starts from 1979 so in this work Jhang comprises its pre-2010 geographical shape including Chiniot District. Currently District Jhang is comprised of four tehsils namely Jhang, Shorkot, Athara Hazari and Ahmadpur Sayyāl.
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure 1District Jhang (Pre 2010)30
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Figure 2 District Jhang (Post 2010)
1.2. Religious tradition in jhang: from sufi spirituality to sectarianism
Reconstruction of the history of spirituality, religion and sectarian trends in Jhang is a complex task. Although this region, for a long time, has been regarded as a center of Sufi spirituality, yet it contains many diverse colors wrapped into this Sufi cover. The exploration of the religiosity in this region maintains that although the immediate past is the period of Sufi spirituality but going deep in past shows the flourishment of sectarian trends at the bottom. Professor Samīʿ Ullāh Quraishī narrates the whole story of advent, flourishment and continuity of Islam in the shape of Sufi spirituality in this region. He argues that sufism provided the language to Islam to maximize its approach to common people in this society.31 Same is the case with rest of the authors who believe in the dominance of mystic tradition in the Punjab. Most of the historical accounts of the region and sufism show the one-sided story in which Sufism appears to be the real hero defeating the socio-cultural inequalities, class-based atrocities and religious biases. No doubt it was the case at many instances but still a considerable part has been missed that narrates the events in different style. To make this picture clearer, below is a chronological list of the sufi saints who came to Jhang. ʿ
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Table No.2
The unanimity of the opinion about the non-aligned and non-partison behavior of Sufis is being challenged these days. First Sufi is ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, whose shrine is in the South Western part of the District in a town which is named as Pīr ʿAbd al-Raḥmān. He came in this area in the first century after the advent of Islam. Historians have diverse views about his sufi stature. As described by Quraishī that he belonged to the family of Prophet and came to this part of sub-continent to avoid atrocities of Banī Umayya.32 It simply does not prove that he was a sufi saint. Professor Muḥammad Aslam argued that ʿAbd al-Raḥmān bin Ḥārith was a traitor and was involved in holding guerilla activities against the Umayyad Caliphs.33 Aslam narrates that he was one of the significant personalities after Muḥammad ʿAlwī for whom the Umayyad operations were directed.34 His stature as a powerful personality is also evident from his role of savior in a local story quoted by Quraishī.35 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s controvertial stature does not stop here. A considerable number of local Shia thinks that he was in fact, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān bin Muljim, assassin of ʿAlī.36 The second issue challenges the sufi stature of some of the saints mentioned above in the list on the basis of their careers. Ghāzī Pīr and Fataḥ Aṣḥāb have been reported as high rank officers in the army of Muḥammad bin Qāsim. Pīr Tāj al-Dīn Athārā Hazārī can also be enumerated in this list on the basis of his career in the military of Maḥdmūd of Ghazna.37 Besides these two trends the third trend was the clear sectarian positions which different Sufi families acquired. Almost all the Suhrāwardī representatives in the district adopted Shiʿite identity on the other hand Qādirīs tried to be practicing Sunni. It can be presumed that Sufism, in the absence of some powerful Sufi personality in the last two centuries, expressed itself through certain Sufi symbols like shrine, pīr, ʿurs and gaddī. The absence of some influential Sufi personality in the past two centuries led the pīr and shrine to get prominence at the cost of proper sufi personality.
This period of spirituality overlapped and proceeded with the colonial period which reshaped the sectarian denominations. This period modernized the process of othering on the basis of one’s religious beliefs. This is the period when two distinct new identities got birth in Sunnite Islam i.e. Barelwīsm and Deobandism. Modern discourses and reconceptualization of Islam also gave birth to Aḥmadīs which in the context of Jhang, at first instance, was a significant sectarian emergence. This era of spiritual traditions in Jhang was going to be replaced by the sectarianism after the partition of India.
District Jhang, situated in Punjab, attracted attention as being the center of sectarian clashes. This district witnessed gradually increasing sectarian conflicts just after the creation of Pakistan as an independent state. Initially these conflicts exhibited themselves in speeches and polemics but with the passage of time it acquired a violent shape and it was end of 1980s that this violent aspect became dominant over the rest of discursive aspects.38 Target killing on sectarian basis became the order of day and large number of people got massacred. The land that was, yet, regarded as the soil of peace turned into a battlefield. Jhang had a considerable number of Hindu populations before the partition and was considered to be a peaceful district as far as its comparison with the rest of Punjab was concerned. Hindus and Muslims enjoyed neighborhoods and contributed in the maintenance of peace and harmony.39 Muslims, being majority of the population, showed significant tolerance not only towards non-Muslims but also had a reasonable level of co-existence among the different sects in their own community.40 In some parts of the district there was no clear distinction between Sunnis and Shias being a part of combined rituals and religious performances.41 Muslims were divided mostly on the mystic lines, they were following.
The divisive factor was the Sufi shrine with which people had their allegiance. Spiritual centers like Sulṭān Bāhū, Shāh Jīwanā, Sayyāl Sharīf, Qādir Baksh and Shair Shāh had significant followings irrespective of the sectarian affiliation of the followers. Shāh Jīwanā and Shair Shāh , Shia gaddīs (spiritual space), possessed a large number of Sunni followers and rest of the Sunni gaddī, even if they had a nominal affiliation of Shia murīds (follower), had been revered and respected by the Shia community.42 In this environment, emerged the sectarianism which seems surprising. It is necessary to locate the starting point and explain the sequence of sectarianism before going to analyse it. On behalf of available literature on the history of sectarianism in Jhang, it is difficult to decide its exact starting time, yet it can be understood with the existence of different events quoted by different writers. Below is the list of events which can help to understand the history of sectarianism in district Jhang.
1.2.1. Elections 1951
The elections for the provincial assembly in 1951 are regarded as a start of sectarian rifts in Jhang.43 This election, in District Jhang, was contested between two groups, Sādāt group (Shāh Jīwanā and Rajūʿa) and Ᾱzād ʿAwāmī Maḥāz (Independent people’s front). Shāh Jīwanā group won 7 tickets out of 9 tickets from Muslim League for its candidates.44 This group has been identified as a Shia group on the other hand ʿAwāmī Maḥāz as a Sunni resistant group.45 Nuṣrat ʿAlī Athīr stated,
“Muslim League kī tiktaun kī taqsīm main hadd darjā nā inṣāfī bartī gaī. Shia Maktaba-i-fikr kau sāt aur sunnī jau kay akthariyyat main thay sirf 2 tikkat diay gay”.46
Translation: Justice was not maintained in the distribution of tickets of Muslim League. Shia school of thought was given seven seats on the other hand; Sunni majority was given only two tickets.
ʿAwāmī Maḥāz won five out of nine seats and showed its electoral worth over the Shāh Jīwanā group. This victory of ʿAwāmī Maḥāz has been translated as the victory of Sunni majority and from then onward Maulānā Muḥammad Dhākir became the symbol of Sunni resistance against the hegemony of Shia feudals in socio-political realm of Jhang.47
1.2.2. Ḥasū Bulail incident 1957
Ḥasū Bulail is a town, currently situated in Tehsil Aḥmadpur Sayyāl. It is inhabited by Quraishī clan who are the descendant of Bulail Shāh. Shia feudals are allegedly blamed for their involvement in the sectarian settlement of the migrants from India. It was told by a respondent that their forefathers were contacted by the servants of a feudal to invite them for settling in his area on the basis of sectarian affiliations.48 Similar things happened in Ḥasū Bulail. It attracted a large number of Shia migrants due to the proximity of Shia Quraishī feudal of Jāʾi wain and Ḥasū Bulail. A migrant Shia was blamed that he burned a statue of a companion of Prophet and then had led a procession in a blasphemous way. This incident took place on 14 October 1957.49 It created furry in the Sunni community and they started a movement, against this blasphemy, under the leadership of Maulwī Ghulām Ḥussain, Khaṭīb Dhajjī Masjid and Maulānā Muḥammad Dhākir.50
This Sunni movement blamed Sayyid ʿᾹbid Ḥussain and Makhdūm Nazar Ḥussain of their personal involvement in the facilitation of accused.51 This incident added to the political distances between the Shia and Sunni segments of the society. It also allowed Maulwī Ghulām Ḥussain, a Deobandi cleric to become the part of sectarian discourse. He held this position for a long time and was famous for his oratory and attitude against the Shias.
1.2.3. Sectarian victimizations in 1960s
Three different incidents have been quoted by Tahir Kamran and Nuṣrat ʿAlī Athīr. The first incident took place in Kakkī Nau, Tehsil Shorkot, in which, Maulwī Khudā Baksh Gill was gunned down by Muḥammad Nawāz Kāthiyya in 1964.52 Kāthyiya family has been among the prominent feudal families and till now their socio-political stature is significant. This incident was followed by another incident in Mauḍaʿ Shāh Ṣādiq Nihang, tahsil Shorkot in which Sunni congregation of prayers was dispersed and harassed at the gun point by local Shia landlord Faqīr Muḥammad Khurshīd.53 Sunnis were asked to adopt Shiʿite way of performing prayers or to abstain from doing such Sunni performances. This incident took place on April 1, 1966. The third incident took place in Raudū Sulṭān in the shape of muder of Maulānā Daust Muḥammad, a Deobandi cleric, and ‘known for his oratory condemning Shia landlords’.54
1.2.4. Bāb al-ʿUmar incident 1969
This incident is reported as one of the most significant incidents in the history of Shia-Sunni conflict which resulted in the pitched fight and six killings. It happened in the most popular procession of seventh Muḥarram in Jhang city. Like most of the Shia processions this main procession also passes through dominantly Sunni localities. Bāb al-ʿUmar, formerly Khīwā gate, also comes in the route. There are two Deobandi mosques near the Bāb al-ʿUmar. Custodians of these mosques have been reluctant to the passage of Shia procession.55 In this area the procession becomes ‘Chup Jalūs’, which means a silent procession.56 In 1969, a Shia participant of Jalūs, identified as Ashraf Balauch soaked his shirt with the filth and threw it at the names of companions of Prophet. Tahir Kamran mentions the involvement of local Shia Sayyāl feudal; Nawwāb Ḥabīb Ullāh Khān on the basis that the person involved in the incident was the personal servant of the Nawwāb Ḥabīb Ullāh Khān.57 This incident added to the Sunnite furry against the Shias and it resulted in its electoral translation in the coming election, which according to many was the purpose of Nawwāb Habīb Ullāh Khān, defeat of Sayyids of Shāh Jīwanā.
This incident played a decisive role in the coming elections and all the Shia feudals, especially Sayyid ʿĀbid Ḥussain had to face defeat at the hands of Barelwī candiadtes.58
1.2.5. Foundation of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥāba
According to many writers foundation of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥāba was a decisive step in the history of sectarianism in Jhang. This group was established by Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī in 1985.59 It has been established that this party was founded under the auspices of Zia regime to counter Shiʿite influence and expansionist vision of Iranian revolution. Maulānā Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī, a Deobandi cleric was the founder of this group after he left Jamīʿat ʿUlamā al-Islam. He was famous for his hatred towards Shia and he was the first who demanded the constitutional excommunication of Shias.60 He left his legacy in the shape of Sipāh Ṣaḥāba and Lashkar-i-Jhangwī. He was assassinated in February 1990 outside his home. This incident is established as the beginning of violent phase of sectarianism in Jhang that onward spread in the whole country.
Certain trends emerge out of these events and their narration by the authors who wrote on sectarianism in Jhang. This leads to the evaluation of the history of the phenomenon in Jhang. The first trend that emerges out of these discussions is the characterization of the different sectarian actors or performers. In most cases it has been narrated as a class struggle in which oppressor, Shia feudal, oppressed the Sunni voices raised against the feudal lords and system. In the second category the ‘haves’ intrigued to monopolies the electoral translation of sectarianism. Here the Sunni counterpart of the clashes seems to be resisting the socio-political and economic oppressions of Shia feudal. The other trend that was maintained by the historians of sectarianism in Jhang in their accounts is that every sectarian clash or act was followed by an election. So, in this way, the whole issue appears to be a political one and had less to do with rest of the spheres of human life. At third, it divides the Sunni resistance in two phases i.e. pre and post 1979. Pre 1979 Sunni resistance against the Shia landlords was being led by the Barelwī scholars and pirs who were replaced by the Deobandi leadership in post 1979 scenario. It also changes the characterization of the performers involved in this phenomenon. The pre 1979 aggressors become victims in post 1979 and Deobandi appear to be the only aggressors in the onward and recent scenario.
1.3. Literature review
Sectarianism in Pakistan, as a part or as a product of religious extremism, as an agent for terrorism and violence, has been a much-talked issue. It also created an independent discourse besides its link with religious extremism and terrorism. This discourse resulted in the emergence of various patterns of understandings about sectarianism. Varieties of discursivities were built regarding the nature format, causes, effects, and impacts of this phenomenon. Availability of variety of versions regarding its different aspects made it a complex phenomenon besides signifying it as one of the most significant problems of the country. Its complexity is based on existence of multiple orientations and interpretations i.e. historical, political, social and economic. This section is going to observe how these interpretations are achieved and how they can be categorized. Following trends emerged as a result of reviewing the available literature on the sectarianism in Pakistan and particularly in Jhang.
1.3.1. Doctrinal aspects
The most apparent and popular orientation of sectarianism is defined as doctrinal. It is held by most of the religious scholars that sectarianism is based on the doctrinal issues that exist between the Shias and Sunnis.61 Doctrinally, both sects stand apart from each other and at some point’s co-existence becomes impossible. As described this view is dominantly held by the religious scholarship that does not mean the absolute absence of academic and journalistic material. Presence of the events like, Ḥasū Bulail, Khīwā gate, zakāt ordinance, in their immediate appearance are doctrinal. Although these have been mentioned by most of the studies referred here but only Khaled Ahmad took it more seriously. He argued in the light of emergence of rise in Sunnite sense of doctrinal superiority and efforts building and historicizing the states ideology on this basis.62 This issue was ignored by the Shias and even during recent time, he argued, Shias could not make a common cause with their doctrinal basis in Najaf and Qum. He also gave a considerable account for the presence of ‘takfīr’ in the Shia Sunni discourse and linked back its historicity with colonial period.63
Kamran also narrates the doctrinal inspiration of Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī from ʿAtā Ullāh Shāh Bukhārī and Aḥrārs who fought for the excommunication of Aḥmadies. He argues that Ḥaq Nawāz borrowed the model from Aḥrārs and applied it to Shias for their excommunication.64
1.3.2. Constitutional issue
Some writers link this issue also with the religious and sectarian orientation of the constitution of Paksitan.65 The religious nature and ideological constitutional divide is criticized for its worse role in the society. The adherents of this point of view admit the presence of sectarian tendencies among the people throughout the history but are of the view that it had been managed constitutionally in the past and the recent worse situation is remarkably based on some constitutional weaknesses. Ahmad opines that doctrinal differences were present in the colonial period but they were denied any place in the constitutions of the colonial administration but it got place immediately after the partition of India.66 Newly born Pakistani state could not resist this element that resulted in the excommunication of Aḥmadīs. This constitutional excommunication marginalizes the victim community in many realms of life, besides just throwing outside the fold of Islam.67
The second issue which is raised by this aspect deals with the problematics of ‘Islamization’ and the orientation of Sharīʿa. Islam and Sharīʿa, as perceived by the constitution and state of Pakistan are decisively based on Sunnite vision of Islam which if applied in some existential manner results automatically in the exclusion of Shias and Sufis outside the fold of Islam.68 The adherents of this view exemplify this with the reluctance of state to resolve the sectarian issues in the premises of courts. State fears that judicial application of its constitutional and legal position will create certain divides. This is also regarded as an attempt of state to avoid the ethnic conflict and to marginalize the separatist tendencies in the name of provincialism. This aspect has been criticsed by many that sectarianism is maintained by state itself.
1.3.3. Extra-territorial aspects
One rationale for the existence of sectarianism in Pakistan and Jhang is that it has been imported from the other countries. This aspect can be further divided into three parts. At one end this import of divisive ideology from outside world relates to ‘historicisation’ of the separate identity of Muslims in the Sub-continent. This view blames that while constructing the separate Muslim identity the history of Muslims in India was erroneously detached from their immediate geographical, social and cultural aspects and was connected with multiple traditions borrowed from the Arabs, Persians and Turks.69 It allowed and paved way for the further foreign involvement in the future as well.
The second aspect is linked with the ideological expansionism of the Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia and Iran. The followers of Deobandi and Wahhābī sects are supposed to have their ideological and doctrinal ties with the Saudi Arabia and rest of Arab countries with salafī inclinations. There exist several studies which demarcate 1979 as the beginning of this current sectarianism in the Paksiatni society. This is the year of so-called Islamic revolution in Iran. The rise of Taḥrīk Nifādh Fiqh Jaʿfariyya and creation of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥāba is seen under this spectrum in which TNJF’s intention of import of Iranian model of revolution was countered by the ASSP.
Thirdly, the sectarianism is not only something that unconsciously is imported from the foreign land, but its presence is also based on some deliberate expansionist moves of Saudi Arabiya and Iran. This view also links it with the regional politics and mutual involvement of neighboring countries in the internal affairs to disrupt the normal life.
1.3.4. Socio-political
This view observes the whole situation regarding sectarianism in Jhang from the framework of communal birādarī (caste brotherhood) based politics. This, politically, divides the whole scenario at different levels. At first, this sectarianism is observed coming out of the political rivalaries between Sayyid and Sayyāl feudals70, especially Bharwāna Sayyāls of tehsil Jhang. At second this observes the emergence of rural Sunni landlords and feudal against the political rule of Shia feudals. And thirdly, it argues for the emergence of urban middle classes as a major shift in political domain which also appeared itself in sectarianism as well. Most of the authors on sectarianism in Jhang have quoted the victory of Sunni candidates in the elections of 1970 against the Shia feudal candidates.71 Interestingly this was dominantly a Barelwīs victory led by the alliance of Maulānā Muḥammad Dhākir and Ṣāḥibzādā Nadhīr Sulṭān which was replaced with Deobandis under the leadership of Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī.
1.3.5. Socio-cultural
Writers like Abou Zahab relate the emergenve of sectarianism with the demographic changes occurring in the society with the arrival of muhājirs from India, mostly from Panī Patt and East Punjab.72 This aspect views the difference of level of understanding between the local community and muhājirs as a significant cause for the rise of sectarianism.73 They argue that most of these muhājirs were sophisticatedly trained in the new movements and political groups for the political and social expression of their religious belief on the other hand local tradition was more attached with the indigenous Sufi traditions.74
These aspects which are filtered from various studies conducted on sectarianism in Pakistan and particularly Jhang surface certain further trends regarding the nature of studies.
They are based on external interventions and ignore sectarianism at its nucleus. They argue for the presence of doctrinal differences but do not go in detail examination of these doctrinal differences. They argue against the religious orientation of constitution which seems to be monopolized by an ideological minority but are unable to locate that minority which is strong enough to lead the state. Some of them hint the involvement of Saudi Arabia and Iran and generalize this influence. Socio-political orientation almost ignores the religious content. Similar is the case with the socio-cultural studies that they also link it with some factors that are external to individual human will and the matters of pure belief.
Another emerging trend in these studies is the construction of binaries and generalization of the sectarian structure. Most of the studies blame deobandi sect to be the more violent and aggressive in this regard. All these studies generalise the existence of sectarian groups as Shias, Barelwīs, Deobandis and Wahhābīs. This generalization is also accompanied with reducing the statements of the issue only to violent and divisive aspects.
1.4. Description of research
The above discussion regarding the history of sectarianism and the findings after literature review suggests certain trends and overall opinion of these discussions construct some narrow binaries in which the phenomenon of sectarianism is situated. These binaries are playing a crucial role in the understanding of the sectarianism in the recent times. This situation requires a reorientation of the understandings regarding sectarian development. These discussions, for example, create a chronological divide of Sunni sectarianism in pre and post-1979 era. The pre-1979 era, according to the literature is marked with Barelwī social resistance. The post 1979 period experiences the Sunnite transition from the Barelwī resistance to Deobandi extremism. The political career of Muḥammad Dhākir and Barelwī landlords is narrated as a struggle for the rights of majority of the population. On the other hand, post 1979 Sunnite tradition is identified in the extremism of Deobandis by generalizing the menifestoe and activities of Anjuman Sipāh Ṣaḥāba as an overall Deobandi phenomenon. Shiʿism, in these discussions appears in the guise of a politically ambitious feudal lord who has no sympathy for the ideals of his sect but only wants to intruementalise religion for the maintenance of his social and political capital. The narration of khīwā gate incident and the rest of incidents in Shorkot and Jhang are altogetherly assigned to the Shia feudals. Spirituality is confined to the space of shrines at the disposal of feudal Sajādā Nashīn by ignoring the emergence of neo-spiritual trends in which some non-traditional personalities are striving to bring back the traditional position of Sufi, instead of pīr and shrine. Same is the case with the sectarian boundaries which are supposed to be generalised while identifying Barelwīs, Deobandis and Shias as uniform sectarian entities. Every inquiry holds a deterministic account of the story in which majority of the individuals in that society are following the socio-political and socio-economic scripts imposed upon them by a political situation, an economic interest or it is infused as a part of some foreign intrigue or expansionist agenda. Two important aspects, in my view, have been ignored by the researches already held for the explanation of sectarianism in District Jhang which are role of religio-sectarian narratives and sectarian development as real socio-cultural phenomenon. This research intends to reconstruct the sectarian episode in Jhang by avoiding these deterministic and reductionist approaches. This research accepts the fragmaneted opinion of all of studies discussed above but it yearns to show an overall picture and at second to locate the places which invite and give room to the political and economic determinism, foreign involvement and doctrinal identities to be the part of game. This leads towards the socio-cultural field of study and gives birth to following questions,
1. How religio-sectarian narratives and socio-cultural patterns interact in sectarian development?
2. How these socio-cultural realities affect the structural orientation of the religio-sectarian denominations?
3. What results, in this two-way relationship between the religio-sectarian narratives and socio-cultural patterns, as an end product?
The current research intends to answer these questions. While searching for the answers of these questions this book argues that sectarian discourse in a plural society reflects to the complex socio-cultural realities by de-forming and re-forming the existing sectarian boundaries and also gives birth to certain new discursive consensuses which result in the emergence of neo-sectarian developments. This argument is based on the identification of two major social developments in District Jhang namely migration after the partition of India and emergence of middle classes in the wake of two successive land reforms. This clues not only for the better understanding of the sectarian issue but also to bring in light some progressive and constructive ends of sectarian development.
Combining the questions with the argument, three major trends emerge which direct the construction of basic hypobook at this initial stage to extend the study onwards. The first hypobook comes out of the first question and the first part of the argument. It states that there exists a reflexive relation between the religious development and socio-cultural patterns in a society. This reflexivity brings religion and society at relative ends and this relativity is evident in the marking and re-marking of sectarian boundaries. This hypobook will be tested in the second chapter of this book. This chapter will start with the theoretical understanding of culture and then will be extending towards the location and identification of socio-cultural realities in the society in District Jhang. A sample from the linguistic corpus, customary traditions, social stratification and emerging social trends will be explained to have a brief but reasonable knowledge of the socio-cultural trends. This comprises the bulk of this chapter. The coming part will describe the relation among these socio-cultural realities and religious development. It will focus on the identification of spaces and institutions where both factors interact. The third and the final part of the chapter will discuss the emerging sectarian patterns under the light of the hypobook of reflexive and relative nature of the interaction.
At second this research presumes that the reflexive aspect of the relationship between religio-sectarian and socio-cultural patterns gives birth to certain structural transformations in the existing sectarian structures. To keep the precision intact, this hypobook will be tested in the third chapter and will be restricted only to the evaluation of the oral sectarian traditions. It will try to answer that whether the reflexive relation of religio-sectarian development and socio-cultural patterns is strong enough to bring some structural changes or not. Three speeches by the renowned religious scholars from Barelwī, Deobandi and Shia sects will be analysed on socio-cultural tools to rectify the hypobook and answer the second question. The rectification of the hypobook of this part will not only seam this discussion with the previous discussion but also will extend it to the third question with more confidence.
The fourth chapter will evaluate the textual tradition in the sectarian discourse in Jhang by presuming that as a result of sectarian development in a multi-society certain new sectarian development occur. It will be focusing on the examination of sectarian polemical texts and will try to locate some distinctive aspects in the light of third question of the research. It will try to first evaluate the structural position of these sectarian texts in their relative intra sectarian discourse and then will examine them in detail to find whether there exist some solid new trends in the sectarianism or not. For this purpose, two polemical texts are selected about ‘Ḥadīth al-Thaqlain’. The socio-cultural orientation of these two textual sources will be explained that will ensure the combination of idea and practice which this research wants to blend.
This pattern of questions, position of argument and orientation of questions will fill the gaps left by the existing work on this issue of sectarianism. By following this scheme, this book will take both the idea and practice integrated with each other that will help to present a clear and wholesome picture of the whole sectarian scenario. Although the specification of place and time restricts this book to have a general outlook of sectarianism, yet it will be significantly helpful by devising some new patterns of research in the study of sectarianism. This study as per the model seems hopeful to bring some innovative and constructive aspects of sectarian development which have been ignored yet. This will help to evade the clouds of distress and hopelessness attached with the term ‘sectarian’. The most important aspect of this research is that it brings sectarianism outside the mere narration of bloodshed and socio-political blame games. It bestows a confidence in the personality of a sectarian individual who is not subject to certain determinism but by blending idea with practice himself enjoys a freedom.
1.5. Theoretical framework
After going through the historiography and literature review of the phenomenon of sectarianism in Jhang, some dominant trends in the understanding of sectarianism as a social reality emerge. Keeping in mind the argument of this study the available interpretations of the sectarian phenomenon can be divided into two theoretical blocks. At one end are the doctrinal and constitutional interpretations which argue that sectarianism comes out of these established systems of meanings and the sectarian individuals are subjected to follow them. Although they do not reject the socio-cultural influences, yet they regard the dominance of the doctrinal and constitutional position. Even the studies or the approaches advocating the doctrinal aspect of sectarianism do not assign a considerable role or place to authorised religio-sectarian contents. Socio-political and socio-cultural aspects of the interpretation dominantly interpret the phenomenon on pragmatic basis and fix it only based on human practice. In simple words, one group of interpretations reject the socio-cultural nature of reality and the second marginalize the chances of involvement of ideological differences.
Present study does not want to be decisively structuralist or pragmatic in defining the sectarian phenomenon. It wants to maintain the religious content of the sectarianism and the role of social participation in religious development at equal levels. For this purpose, this research intends to enter into some religious texts and speeches with sectarian contents to find out the socio-cultural patterns in that. It tends to discover the pattern of relationship between idea and practice. It also intends to avoid the rationalisation of the social reality which, in researcher’s view, pushes the research towards ideal ends by rejecting some pragmatic realities. A social reality is real even if it is not rational and it will be reality as far as it maintains its performativity in the society. To pursue this work, at first, came the theory of social practice which combined the both idea and practice in its epistemological approach. It constitutes the social reality by dividing agency among mind, body, objects and a physical world to combine all. But in this approach dominance remains with the materiality of practice.75 Although what is termed as materiality of practice apparently seems to be dominant and construction of mind is also regarded as social, yet it allows this construction or structure to persist for a long time after establishing itself as background representation. It means that it affects the materiality and dominates as a result.76
More appropriate model that came to fore for theorizing the research is ‘Social Performance’. Jeffrey Alexander, author of this idea introduces this theoretical concept in the following words.
I present a theory of cultural pragmatics that transcends this division, bringing meaning structures, contingency, power, and materiality together in a new way. My argument is that the materiality of practices should be replaced by the more multidimensional concept of performances.77
This theoretical approach not only negates some epistemological aspects of the ‘practice’ but adds and edits to its constituting factors. ‘Social practice’ insists that social reality is practiced as ‘a routinized way’ of doing the things, handling the objects and subjects are treated.78 Social performance negates this idea and establishes that social reality is performed like a theatre performance. This theory focusses more on the generation of meaning as a result of performance. It argues that social meanings are performed instead of being practiced. Jeffrey defines the cultural performance in these words,
Cultural performance is the social process by which actors, individually or in concert, display for others the meaning of their social situation. This meaning may or may not be one to which they themselves subjectively adhere; it is the meaning that they, as social actors, consciously or unconsciously wish to have others believe.79
So, it speaks for the centrality of the meaning. At second comes the social situation which becomes secondary on the basis that, according to above definition, performers may convey something other than they actually feel. For them the conveyance of meaning is more important than the expression of real situation. This expression and conveyance of meaning borrow certain things from the background knowledge, its immediate scene and also an acceptance from the audiences to which his performance is directed or to which one intends to convey a particular meaning to inform them about one’s situation. With having a definition of a social performance in hand, one thinks about the issue of credibility to have a clear vision of a performance in a context. How, does a cultural performance achieve a reasonable amount of credibility to strengthen the discursive position, of which it is the part of, depends on the fusion and de-fusion of its components. A cultural performance is composed of background knowledge, actors, audience or observers, means of symbolic production, and social power.80 A successful performance contains a fusion of all the elements detailed above. He further describes that the fusion of the elements of performance allow not only the actors but also audiences to experience flow, which means they focus their attention on the performed text to the exclusion of any other interpretative reference.
Following is a brief detail of the components of the social performance. This will help to understand the concept of social performance and will also facilitate the understanding of its application in the present research. A cultural performance is composed of the following constituent elements.
1.5.1. Systems of collective representation
Cultural performance tells that social reality that born out of an action in the shape of a meaning conveyed through that action is highly contextualized. This is embedded in the background representations and the foreground scripts. The background representation is borrowed from the textual understanding of the structures in the shape of narratives and historical collectivities. Foreground scripts can both be consulted from the history and the recent environment. The historical aspect of the background representations and foreground scripts equate them with ‘Culture’ or in some cases high culture. The recent content of the foreground scripts brings it close to the definitions of popular culture. It is the part where shared meanings of the past or present are consulted and applied. This aspect covers the discussions in the second chapter of this book which not only identify and define the background and foreground representations of the sectarian performances in District Jhang but also evaluate their immediate influence on the sectarian scripts as well.
1.5.2. Actor
The definition of the cultural performance points out that a cultural performance is carried out by an actor or a group of actors who perform the conveyance of particular meanings. It is the actor who symbolizes the materiality of his available objects in the light of background representation and the cultural script, he possesses. His purpose is to extend the meaning to the audiences or his observers. This research work involves particular individual actors who perform some sectarian performances either in the shape of oral speeches or in the shape of written texts. An important segment of this research is the elaboration of the role and status of a sectarian actor in the performance of sectarianism.
1.5.3. Observer/Audience
Every performance is directed towards certain observers to whom is required the conveyance of a social meaning. This concept may or may not work in a pure theatrical or dramaturgical manner in the case of a cultural performance. In case of sectarian performance an active audience can be present before the actor when one orally performs some act. Even then, in the presence of the audio-video recording of the religious performance the performance is detached from its immediate context. On the other hand, textual performance maintains the particularities of the observers and audience. It depends upon the text whether it remains in the scholarly discursive circle of audiences or becomes public allowing all to get along with it.
1.5.4. Means of symbolic production
“This material ranges from clothing to every other sort of “standardized expressive equipment”, quotes Alexander.81 These are the material objects which the actors utilize to symbolize his or her performance. It creates a visual impact which attracts the audiences and many things relate to the audience automatically. “Means of symbolic Production” are heavily utilized in the religio-sectarian performances in Pakistan. As narrated above they include material ranging from clothing to every sort of ‘standardized expressive equipment’, same is the case with sectarian performance. Shia and Sunni performers maintain certain differences in clothes and certain other material objects. Shia performances utilize the imitation of funeral of Imāms to symbolize the real event. Similarly, the use of dhuljinnāh and rest of zīarāt is highly symbolic.
1.5.5. Mise-en- scène
Alexander write, “With texts and means in hand, and audience(s) before them, social actors engage in dramatic social action, entering into and projecting the ensemble of physical and verbal gestures that constitutes performance”.82 All this needs the temporality of time and space and combine constitute a scene. It is not just a scene as a physical space but a scene where symbolism and textual directions are being actually performed. It can be easily applied to the enchanting of slogans in the Deobandi bayān, where, a slogan symbolizes the whole belief. It also takes an example from the Barelwī performances in which green color is symbolically performed along with oral performances to realize the impact of Prophetic days ‘ madni’ environment.
1.5.6. Social power
This theoretical model takes social power as last but important element of a cultural performance. It also identifies this social power embedded in economic and political institutions working in society. The role of power can be understood in the words that, “Power establishes an external boundary for cultural pragmatics that parallels the internal boundary established by a performance’s background representations”.83 It means that it can negotiate the influence of the background representations and also share the agency of accreditation of a certain act as a cultural performance. It can also be assumed that it allows the popular trends to get entrance in the realm of constituency of meaning production or construction of social reality.
The success of a social performance depends upon the blending of the above elements in a performance. If it is blended well, it will be conveying the required meaning and if it will be too loose to be connected then it will be a failure. Alexander also gives a standard that this credibility is achieved with the simplification of the process in a society and it is only possible in less complex societies. On the other hand, it is hard to re-fuse the elements in a complex society. He adds,
The gist of my argument can be stated simply. The simpler the collective organization, the less its social and cultural parts are segmented and differentiated, the more the elements of social performances are fused. The more complex, segmented, and differentiated the collectivity, the more these elements of social performance become de-fused.84
This statement provides an initial strength to the basic argument of this study. It shows that theoretical understanding match with the argument of the study. This thing validates the selection of this theory for the examination of sectarian discourse in a plural society. In this research design “concept of social performance” is complimented with some more concepts which works either to initiate the debate or work to strengthen the theoretical understanding of the performance. These concepts are Culture, Culture script, Popular Culture, Oral performance and Textual performance. The preceding chapters contain a detailed account of these theoretical concepts during the examination of socio-culture patterns and sectarian discourse, oral sectarian traditions and textual sectarian performances. It will help to elaborate the research along with the argument and find the validity of the argument as a result.
1.6. Research methodology
Sectarianism in a multi-society is a multifaceted phenomenon. In a complex society, the location of religious development and identification of sectarian trends is not an easy task, as it apparently seems to be. Existence of the multi-layered expressions of sectarianism leaves a complex fragmentation of the sectarian denominations. This complexity often deprives the issue of the attention it deserves. Those who pay attention to it also explore the surface instead prying deeper. It is also beacuse certain layers require a particular legitimacy requisite for their exploration. This is the situation with the sectarianism in Pakistan, in that it mostly allows the researcher to work only at surface and study it only as a practice. The textual part of sectarianism has seldom been touched owing to the existence of some prerogatives. The main hurdle that is established to maintain these prerogatives is regarding methodological incapacity of most researchers. This also involves certain theoretical shortcomings as well. That is why most studies have restricted themselves to the socio-cultural, socio-political, historical and economical aspects of sectarianism by the examination of available ‘sectarian practices’ i.e. sectarian political groups, voting behaviours, market trends, and foreign involvement. Another methodological weakness is also traced to the fact that, still, many practices cannot be detached by the researchers from the text or idea. This untouchability is also because of the fear of involvement of certain biases and the socio-cultural non-acceptance on these issues to be explored academically. The element of fear of inclusion of biases and restrictions is also because most studies have focused their narration on the negative sides of sectarian development and discourse. It is obvious, in this sense, that a phenomenon that is perceived as a source of social destability will be treated in a negative manner.
This research is going to cross the limit of observation of practice and intends to include the idea as well for a socio-cultural analysis. The inclusion of idea is still taken from the practicing ‘end’ where the idea is being performed by individuals in the shape of traditions, customs, orality and texts. However, it does not negate the role of the idea as background representation, which in most of the cases is virtually detached from the performance’s scene. This detachment can also be understood as the impossibility of its translation in real existence. It remains surrounded by the interpretations. Each interpretation justifies itself as an idea but could not resist the socio-cultural objectivities. Each performance and the outcome of performance strive to be a text but only few persist. This aspect of the interpretative nature of some ‘ideas’ allow themselves to be included in the domain of this research project for their academic examination mainly under the theoretical line of the idea of social performance. Social performance as a theoretical frame provides certain methodological tools as well. It allows the textualism and hermeneutics in its basic methodological tools. The most interesting feature of these theoretical models is not only the collection of multiple theoretical insights but it also, by dividing itself in constituting elements, allows the inclusion of multiple methodologies to work at different levels of its working elements. Four different techniques have been analysed in this book to meet the methodological needs. Initially these research designs utilises the cultural semiotics to understand the relations between the sectarian development and the rest of the socio-cultural patterns in the society. These aspects were collected by the consecutive annual field visits and inclusion of socio-cultural reprehensive patterns which is also based on the researcher’s position as a cultural insider. This step involves the division of sectarian and the rest of socio-cultural aspects in two semiospheres. It then examines the fact how these two semiospheres interact in a complex society. The qualitative content analysis of the findings from this interaction allowed the demarcation of certain emerging trends and results.
The second step of the research, which involves the performative description and analysis of oral traditions in the sectarian discourse, also applies multiple methodological foundations. The first issue encountered was the selection of some oral material from the heaps of oralities and performances. This aspect was met by the inclusion of three speeches by three religious’ scholars from Shia, Barelwī and Deobandi sects. Their selection is justified on the basis that all these three performers belong to Jhang and these speeches were held in the District Jhang. Two of these performers, Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī and Ṭāhir al-Qādirī, are very well-known inside and outside Pakistan. The third scholar from Shia sect also is well known in the Shia Sunni discourse in Pakistan. The hermeneutical analysis of the oral performances explained by the meaning systems involved in the interpretation of the background representations. The explored meanings, then, were discursively analysed by the examination of existing discursivities around these meanings. A conceptual problem that arises in this regard is the availability and use of the recorded audio-video dvds and YouTube links. Although these recordings bring these oral speeches near to the category of text there still exists reasonable ground to utilise these speeches as oral performances. These oral distinctions lie in the constituent structure, style and contents of these performances which are enough to maintain their oral claims.
The third step which is built on the conceptual findings of the second step is designed on the issue of reconstruction of certain ideas in the current time. It utilises the methodological facilities of the mixed implementation of social and textual performances. In addition, this step borrows help from qualitative content analysis in the division of two polemical texts into different parts and for the denomination of these parts. The intra-parts debate also involved content analysis for the categorisation of the available polemical material. Four major methodologies cultural semiotics, hermeneutics, discourse analysis and qualitative content analysis are utilised in way that could support the arguments and the theoretical proceedings of the research. Utmost care has been taken into consideration to avoid methodological disconnectivity and clashes.
As this research involves the use of multi-lingual oral and textual material, a proper transliteration model is necessary to be applied for drafting the Arabic, Persian and Urdu terms. I have applied ijmes model of transliterastion with some alterations. The names of Cities in Pakistan, famous personalities, religions and sects are spelled according to their spellings in the official records of Government of Pakistan.
Chapter 2 Sectarian Discourse in Socio-Cultural Contexts
2.1. Introduction
This chapter examines the ontological and epistemological undulations in sectarian development based on semiotics of cultural patterns and ‘sectarianism’. It does not imply that religion or sectarianism is something external to the culture but in this study, it connotes to the signs and symbols which are characterised as ‘religious’ symbols against the so-called ‘worldly’ symbols. Same is the case with cultural patterns in that these will be comprised of socio-cultural linguistics, customary, social and popular aspects of society which, to a significant extent, are considered ‘worldly’ or antonym to the religion. As the broad spectrum of the study is the social performance, it is therefore important to explain the ontological and epistemological standards of the society. It will help to extend the performative models by understanding the peoples’ understanding of a social performance. In addition, it also brings to fore the performance of a ‘sign’. This chapter deals with certain basic issues regarding the research. At first, it establishes the socio-cultural status of sectarian divisions and points out their possible socio-communal articulations based on comparative analysis of religious and social development. Secondly, it lays strong basis in favour of the basic argument of this research. The basic argument puts stress on the socio-cultural orientation of sectarianism. Thirdly, this chapter indicates and provides the material before the description and examination of sectarian development through the mediums of oral and textual tradition. This is necessary and helpful in the discursive and hermeneutical analysis of oral and textual traditions.
This chapter is divided into three parts. The first part of the chapter will discuss the thematic concepts of culture, cultural script and the internalisation and externalisation of cultural script. It starts by defining the culture and cultural script and then extends and links the debate with popular culture. These definitions are explored through the investigation of academic sources. In this way, it lays the conceptual basis for the semiotic study of the socio-cultural patterns. The second part describes the depositories of socio-cultural patterns in district Jhang. These socio-cultural patterns are collected and narrated here based on some basic oral and textual sources. A dominant part of it is ethnographically designed. Firstly, it elaborates the traditional lingual part of the culture which is comprised of the proverbs and some literary aspects like poetry and then the oral aspects like songs and their sub genres. After describing the lingual part, it narrates the customary cultural traditions like marriages and ceremonies at death. Furthermore, it gives an analytical description of the socio-communal binaries of which ethnicity and castes are categorised. This section concludes with the excavation of cultural signs and symbols which help to properly understand the ontological and epistemological standards of the society. The second part describes how sectarian development and socio-cultural patterns come in contact and interact with each other. This part is mostly concerned with internalisation process. It elaborates the relationship by mentioning some places where the religious and cultural signs coincide and try to negotiate with each other. It lays the basis for the third part by establishing that a symbolic interchange takes place between the religious and socio-cultural spheres. Thus, showing interchange affects the patterns of social understanding. The third part describes the externalisation of the religio-cultural interaction and locates the creation of new ontological and epistemological spaces and shifts in the sectarian discourse.
2.1.1. Conceptualising culture
Paul Willis narrates, “Culture is strange and capacious category”. Therefore, defining culture has not been an easy task. It contains various definitions, which denote to different aspects. Allan Patten defines culture as, “Culture, I propose, is what people share when they have shared subjection to a common formative context”.85 It has been defined both as the understanding and daily experience of learned, of the ordinary and diverse and stratified system of meanings. The understanding of the term culture, in the present study, is derived from the discussion of Chris Barker in his work “Cultural Studies”.
Culture is concerned with questions of shared social meanings, that is, the various ways we make sense of the world. However, meanings are not simply floating ‘out-there’; rather, they are generated through signs, most notably those of language.86
While defining culture, he gives a glimpse into the elitist and ordinary basis of defining the ‘cultural’. He excavates then the conception of Culture by an analysis of the definitions of British pioneers of Cultural Studies, Raymond Williams and Hall. He takes an anthropological aspect of the Williams that finds culture in everyday meanings embedded in values and norms and concludes culture refers to shared meanings. Hall identifies the culture as the shared understandings of the people regarding what is happening around them. Therefore, in his view participant’s consensus defines the culture. Barker also finds that culture contains traditional and creative aspects. This feature enables it to sustain its past identity and, at the same time, accommodate changes in it.87
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1 Roy Mottahedeh, “Pluralism and Islamic Traditions of Sectarian Divisions,” in Diversity and Pluralism in Islam: Historical and Contemporary Discourses amongst Muslims, ed., Z. Hijri, (London: The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2010), 31-43
2 Alan Ford, “Living Together, Living apart: Sectarianism in early modern Ireland,” in The Origins of Sectarianism in Early Modern Ireland, ed., A. Ford, J. McCafferty, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 1-24
3 Layla Sein, "Sectarianism in Islam and Muslim Communities, "Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies, 1, no. 1 (2016): 106-12
4 Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of Caliphate, (London: Pearson Longman, 2004), 51-53
5 Sein, "Sectarianism in Islam and Muslim Communities,” 106-12
6 Douglas E. Streusand, Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomons, Safavids and Mughals, (Boulder: Westview Press, 2011), 27-28 See also A.L Srivastava, Medieval Indian Culture, (Agra: Siva Lal Agar wala and Company, 1964), 1-4
7 Ibid
8 Shuja Alhaq, A Forgotten Vision, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1996), 347-55
9 Jamal Malik, Islam in South Asia: A Short History, (Boston: Brill, 2008), 217
See also Justin Jones, Shia Islam in Colonial India: Religion, Community and Sectarianism, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 1-2
10 Jones, Shia Islam in Colonial India, 222
11 Ishtiaq Ahmad, The concept of an Islamic State in Pakistan: An analysis of Ideological controversies, (Lahore: Vaneguard, 1991), 3-15
12 Muḥammad I. Ahmad, Quaid-i-Aʿẓam, Naẓariyya Pakistan aur Islamī Niẓām: Abul Aʿlā Maudūdī kī naẓar main, (Karachi: Educational Press Pakistan, 1970), 1-5
13 Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History, (London: Hurst & Company, 1998), 245-283 339-342 See also Lawerence Ziring, Pakistan at the Croscurrent of History, (Oxford: Oneworld, 2003), 163-198
14 Mariam Abou Zahab, “The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Jhang,” in Islam and Society in Pakistan: Anthropological Perspectives, ed., Magnus Marsden, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010), 164-176
15 Government of Pakistan, Population Census Organization, 1998 District Census Report, (Islamabad: Statistic Division, 2000)
16 Government of Punjab, Punjab District Gazetteers, Jhang District 1883-84, (Lahore: Government Printing Punjab, 1885), 2-11
17 Ibid, 27
18 Ibid
19 Bilāl Zubairī, Taʾrīkh-i-Jhang: Tahdhīb wa Thaqāfat kay āʾinay main, (Jhang: Jhang Adbī Academy, 2002), 19
20 Punjab District Gazetteers, Jhang District 1883-84, 27
21 Ibid
22 Shaikh Muḥammad Ikrām, Āab-i-Kauthar, (Lahore: Idārā thaqāfat al-Islāmiyya, 2006), 222
23 Bilāl Zubairī, Taʾrīkh-i-Jhang: Tahdhīb wa Thaqāfat kay āʾinay main, 45
24 Ibid
25 Ibid
26 Ibid
27 Ibid
28 Ibid
29 Punjab District Gazetteers, Jhang District 1883-84
30 These figures of maps of District Jhang before and after the separation of Chiniot are taken from the official records of District Council Jhang.
31 Samīʿ Ullāh Quraishī, Sar Zamīn-i-Jhang: āthār wa thaqāfat, (Lahore: Fiction House, 1998), 32-37
32 Ibid,
33 Malik, Islam in South Asia: A Short History, 52-56 Muḥammad Aslam, Muḥammad Bin Qāsim aur unkay jānashīn, (Lahore: Riaz Brothers, 1996), 29
34 Professor Muḥammad Aslam has been teaching at University of Punjab. He wrote several books related to the early History of Islam and Muslims in India. His works include Dīn-i-Ilāhī aur Uskā Pas Manẓar, Taʾrīkhī Maqālāt, Sarmāyā-i-ʿUmar, Salāṭīn Dehli, Shāhān-i-Mughliyya kā Dhauq Mausīqī, Khaftagān-i-Karachi, Malfūẓatī adab kī tʾarīkhī ahmiyyat etc.
35 Quraishī, Sar Zamīn-i-Jhang: āthār wa thaqāfat, 58
36 Interview with Muḥammad ʿAbbās Shāh, September 2013
37 Quraishī, Sar Zamīn-i-Jhang: āthār wa thaqāfat, 53
38 Abou Zahab, “The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Jhang,” 164-176
39 Quraishī, Sar Zamīn-i-Jhang: āthār wa thaqāfat, 102
40 Bilāl Zubairī, Taʾrīkh-i-Jhang: Tahdhīb wa Thaqāfat kay āʾinay main, 23
41 Abou Zahab, “The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Jhang,” 164-176
42 Interview with Makhdūm Ḥāmid Raḍā, August 2014
43 Nuṣrat A. Athīr, Dhikr al-Dhākir, (Jhang: Dhākir Academy, 1997), 201
44 Ibid
45 Ibid
46 Ibid
47 Qudrat Ullāh Shahāb maintains in his auto biography ‘Shahāb Nāmā’.
48 Interview with Qaisar Aʿwān, Garh Mahārājā, August 2013
49 Tahir Kamran, “Contextualizing Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan: A Case Study of Jhang,” Journal of Islamic Studies, 20, no.1 (2009): 55-85
50 Muḥammad Saʿad Ullāh, Tadhkirah Muḥammad Dhākir, (Chiniot, Muḥammad Dhākir Academy, 2010), 35
51 Ibid
52 Kamran, “Contextualizing Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan,” 55-85
53 Athīr, Dhikr al-Dhākir, 185
54 Kamran, “Contextualizing Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan,” 55-85
55 Ibid
56 Ibid
57 Ibid
58 Athīr, Dhikr al-Dhākir, 209-13
59 Hamza Ḥassan, “From the Pulpit to Ak-47: Sectarian Conflict in Jhang, Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, xxxii, no.2 (2011): 67-87
60 Muḥammad Ilyās, Amīr-i-ʿAzīmat: Maulānā Ḥaq Nawāz Jhangwī, (Jhang: Maktab al-Ḥaq), 1995 186-188
61 Sarfraz Khan and H.R. Chaudhary, “Determinants of Sectarianism in Pakistan: A Case Study of District Jhang,” Middle East Journal of Scientific Research, 8, no.1 (2011): 237-243
62 Khalid Ahmad, Sectarian War: Pakistan’s Sunni-Shia violence and its link to the Middle East, (Karachi: Oxford, 2012), xi
63 Ibid
64 Kamran, “Contextualizing Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan,” 55-85
65 Farzana Shaikh , Making Sense of Pakistan, (New York, Columbia University Press, 2009), 46-56
66 Ahmad, Sectarian War: Pakistan’s Sunni-Shia violence and its link to the Middle East, 12
67 Ibid
68 L. Bokhari, “Radicalization, Political Violence, and Militancy,” in The Future of Pakistan, S. Cohen, (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011), 82-91
69 Ahmad, Sectarian War: Pakistan’s Sunni-Shia violence and its link to the Middle East,
70 Kamran, “Contextualizing Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan,” 55-85
71 ibid
72 Shaikh, Making Sense of Pakistan, 46-56
73 Ibid
74 Ibid
75 Andreas Reckwitz, “Towards a Theory of Social Practice: A Development in Culturist Theorizing,” European Journal of Social Theory, 5, no.2 (2002): 243-263
76 Holland, D. Lave, J., “Social Practice Theory and Historical Production of Persons,” An International Journal of Human Activity Theory, no.2 (2009): 1-15
77 Jeffrey C. Alexander, “Cultural pragmatics: social performance between ritual and strategy,” in Social Performance: Symbolic Action, Cultural Pragmatics, and Ritual, edited by Jeffrey C. Alexander, Bernhard Giesen and Jason L. Mast, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 29-91
78 Reckwitz, “Towards a Theory of Social Practice: A Development in Culturist Theorizing,” 243-268
79 Alexander, “Cultural pragmatics: social performance between ritual and strategy,” 29-91
80 Ibid
81 Ibid
82 Ibid
83 Ibid
84 Ibid
85 Allen Patten, “Rethinking Culture: The Social Lineage Account,” The American Political Science Review, 105, no. 4 (2011): 735-749
86 Chris Barker, Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice, (London: Sage Publishers, 2005), 7
87 Ibid, 58-60
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