Between hellfire, 11,000 heavenly virgins and medieval forgery

Origin and development of the legend of the holy virgins of Cologne and later of St Ursula up to the Ottonian period, based on archaeological, epigraphic and historical sources

Term Paper , 2023 , 22 Pages

History of Europe - Middle Ages, Early Modern Age

The majority of archaeologists and historians today deny the historical existence of St Ursula, but the question still arises as to why and how the legend of St Ursula was able to develop and become one of the most important martyr cults of Western Christianity in the Middle Ages.

St Ursula was one of the most important and popular saints of Western Christianity in the Middle Ages and early modern period. Her cult of martyrdom can be documented in large parts of Western Europe from the Ottonian period at the latest and several churches and cities claimed to be in possession of a relic of St Ursula, a prestigious and, due to the predictable flow of pilgrims, economically lucrative claim. Klaus Militzer also explains that St Ursula was accorded a prominent position in the medieval and early modern veneration of saints. From the late Middle Ages onwards, it can be proven that St Ursula was frequently venerated in special Ursula brotherhoods as an intercessor for the dying and the dead - similar to Mary (the mother of Jesus). [...]

Table of contents

1 BASIC FEATURES OF THE URSULA LEGEND AND ITS HISTORICAL RELEVANCE

2 OVERVIEW: STATE OF MODERN RESEARCH ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE URSULA LEGEND BASED ON ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS AND WRITTEN SOURCES

3 THE CLEMATIUS INSCRIPTION
3.1 Materiality and translation suggestions
3.2 Dating and interpretation of the Clematius inscription

4 CONCLUSION

5 LIST OF SOURCES

6 BIBLIOGRAPHY

7 ILLUSTRATION APPARATUS

1 Basic features of the Ursula legend and its historical relevance

St Ursula was one of the most important and popular saints of Western Christianity in the Middle Ages and early modern period. Her cult of martyrdom can be documented in large parts of Western Europe from the Ottonian period at the latest and several churches and cities claimed to be in possession of a relic of St Ursula, a prestigious and, due to the predictable flow of pilgrims, economically lucrative claim.¹ Klaus Militzer also explains that St Ursula was accorded a prominent position in the medieval and early modern veneration of saints.² From the late Middle Ages onwards, it can be proven that St Ursula was frequently venerated in special Ursula brotherhoods as an intercessor for the dying and the dead - similar to Mary (the mother of Jesus). According to William Flynn, the narrative of the virgin martyr and her (depending on tradition) eleven to 11,000 similarly virgin fellow sufferers, who, according to numerous, often contradictory and obviously exaggerated legends and hagiographies, were executed by the Huns at the gates of Cologne because of their Christian faith, was already particularly powerful in the 12th century. According to William Flynn, the site was already particularly influential in the 12th century and served as both inspiration and legitimisation for the founder of the order and polymath Hildegard von Bingen.³ As the site of the supposed martyrdom, Cologne was the centre of medieval devotion to Ursula. Even after the transfer of the supposed remains of the Magi from Milan to Cologne in 1164, the relic of St Ursula was one of the main attractions for pilgrims in Cologne. The importance of these saints as patron saints and their relics as objects of prestige and a source of income for the city is also reflected in their allegorical representation in Cologne's coat of arms.⁴ In the 12th century, the veneration of Ursula flourished again and spread even further from Cologne. This was triggered by the discovery of a Roman- Franconian burial ground as part of the northern extension of the city wall in the vicinity of the basilica (now St. Ursula), which had been the centre of the martyr cult of the "heavenly virgins"⁵ since the 9th century at the latest.⁶ The discovery of large quantities of ancient bones near the presumed execution site of St. Ursula and her entourage was considered the ultimate proof of the Ursula legend in the Middle Ages and elevated Cologne to a centre of the medieval trade in relics.⁷

2 Overview: State of modern research on the development of the Ursula legend based on archaeological investigations and written sources

Since the middle of the 20th century, archaeological and historical research has assumed that the medieval legend of St Ursula is not essentially based on the life and death of a real late antique noble maiden and her entourage.⁸ As far as can be reconstructed, archaeological investigations of the Roman-Franconian cemeteries in the vicinity of St. Ursula's Basilica have found no evidence of (late) ancient executions of younger women, generally significant numbers of executions or early Christian women's graves, which would originally have been the object of special appreciation or veneration.⁹ The Huns probably passed through the Rhineland, but there is no archaeological or historical evidence that they besieged Cologne.¹⁰ Late antique and early medieval Christian sources do not mention any martyred virgins or even the death of a Briton princess in their descriptions of Cologne until the 9th century - nor do any contemporary Briton sources mention eleven or even thousands of lost, noble virgins. Thus, although modern historiography also doubts the historical existence of St Severin and especially that of St Gereon and the Thebaic Legion in Cologne, both are at least mentioned by Gregory of Tours in the 6th century, in contrast to blessed virgins or an Ursula in connection with Cologne.¹¹ Many details of the Ursula legends - such as the parallel martyrdom of a Pope Cyriacus (there was never a pope of this name) and other clerics who were supposed to have joined the pilgrimage of Ursula - have also been exposed as clear medieval inventions to justify the discovery of male bones in the supposed burial ground of the martyrs.¹²

The first clear documentary evidence of Christian devotion to the blessed virgins in Cologne is a Carolingian document dated 15 January 866, in which King Lothar II confirms the transfer of property proposed by Archbishop Gunthar of Cologne to secure the maintenance of the canons of the cathedral church.¹³ This is the first mention of "the monastery of the blessed virgins" (around a predecessor building of today's St Ursula's Basilica). Consequently, at this time the convent must have formed the epicentre of the veneration of a group of virgin martyrs in Cologne. As there was a separate convent in honour of the "blessed virgins" outside the city walls of Cologne in 866, Gernot Nürnberger concludes that this suggests a longer, local tradition of veneration of the "blessed virgins".¹⁴ From the later 9th century onwards, the "holy virgins" from Cologne are increasingly listed as martyrs in various litanies of saints. At this time, the legend of the Cologne virgins does not yet seem to have followed a uniform narrative thread, as, according to Gernot Nürnberger, the mentions of virgin Cologne martyrs in various litanies and calendars of saints can be categorised into three different, chronologically parallel lines of tradition.¹⁵ One series of traditions simply refers to the martyrs in question as "blessed" or "holy virgins", without specifying their number or names. A second line of tradition reports that 11,000 martyrs were executed near Cologne. Another line of tradition only mentions various names, which it attributes to the Cologne martyrs. Originally, eight or five different names of the martyrs were mentioned in the latter; from the early 10th century, an Ursula is also listed as a Cologne martyr for the first time, until this line of tradition then lists eleven names for the Cologne virgins in the mid-10th century: Martha, Saula,¹⁶ Brictola, Gregoria, Saturnina, Sabatia, Pinnosa, Ursula [also sometimes as "Ursola"], Sentia, Palladia, Saturia.¹⁷ The oldest surviving written testimony that gives a more detailed account of the alleged martyrdom of the Cologne virgins is the so-called Sermo in Natali, a sermon that dates back to the early 10th century and was probably delivered on the anniversary of the saints' deaths, presumably in the collegiate church. In addition to the martyrdom of a large number of Christian virgins, it claims that the martyrdom took place in Diocletian's time and that the virgins came from Britain and not from the Orient - the exact distant country of origin of the virgins still seems to have been disputed at this time.¹⁸ The preacher emphasises Pinnosa alone as the king's daughter and leader of the foreign virgins. However, as Gernot Nürnberger emphasises, the preacher does not proclaim to be reporting an absolutely coherent historical event, but rather reproduces reports and opinions from various (oral) sources and explains which version he considers to be the most plausible.¹⁹ In contrast, the so-called first Passio Ursulae (Fuit tempore pervetusto), the oldest surviving Ursulavita, (hagiography of St. Ursula) which dates back to the late 10th century, is, according to Gernot Nürnberger and others, a typical medieval legendary narrative that "proclaims the facts described in it as truths".²⁰ The author of this Ursulavita, presumably the monk Heinrich from St Bertin, as Wilhelm Levison justifiably assumes,²¹ mentions many previously undocumented details without even referring to sources for his statements. In addition, Ursula is now the Briton king's daughter and leader of the virgins, and this account also contains all the important elements of later Ursula narratives: the Briton origin of the Christian king's daughter Ursula, marital disputes as an indirect trigger for the pilgrimage of Ursula and her 11,000 companions by ship to Basel and then to Rome, and the execution of the 11,000 at the gates of Cologne by the Huns. In addition, the 11,000 martyrs would have posthumously put the Huns to flight and thus freed Cologne from their siege.²²

According to Scott Montgomery, among others, the abrupt change from Pinnosa to Ursula as leader of the virgins can probably also be explained by the fact that the supposed remains of Pinnosa were moved to Essen around 947 and that Cologne then endeavoured to continue to claim an equally prestigious martyr virgin for the monastery.²³

It is also reasonable to assume that the antagonistic role was not attributed to the Huns by chance from the early 10th century, but was probably connected to the Hungarian invasions in the early 10th century. In 922, the aforementioned "monastery of the blessed virgins" was handed over to the nuns from Gerresheim after the destruction of the monastery there by the Hungarians.²⁴ Although the assumption of a historical relationship or succession between the Huns and the Hungarians is rather dubious and is rejected by the majority of historians and ethnologists today, this assumption of kinship with the marauding hordes of horsemen coming from the east was already widespread in the Middle Ages. For example, some medieval Ursulalvites apparently use the terms Huns and Hungarians synonymously.²⁵ It is therefore possible that the Hun component of the Ursula legend can be explained by the flight of the nuns from the Hungarians.

In addition to the written sources, archaeological evidence also points to a significant development of the veneration of virgins from the late 9th century onwards. The building stage of the collegiate church, which Josef Kremer refers to as building stage II b, dates to the late 9th century at the earliest, more likely to the 10th century, and shows a significant change in the form of a T-shaped foundation with 11 trapezoidal chambers (30-35 x 115 cm) in front of the chancel, instead of the previous "keyhole (shaped)" ambo (cf. Figure 1).²⁶ According to Kremer, the prominent location within the church, which was already dedicated to the "blessed virgins" at the time of this change, and the eleven chambers suggest that the remodelling was directly related to the increasing veneration of the Cologne virgins. It is conceivable, for example, that the eleven chambers symbolised the graves of the eleven (or the 11,000) or that supposed relics of the eleven main protagonists of the legend of the virgins, who were named around this time, were embedded there.

Probably partly due to the lack of any archaeological evidence and clear late antique written sources for the historical existence of St. Ursula or any late antique or early medieval virgin martyrdom around or in Cologne, the Roman Catholic Church then no longer included the feast of St. Ursula in the new, simplified version of the Calendarium Romanum Generale (liturgical calendar of the Roman Catholic Church) in 1969 - despite its great historical and in part still regional relevance for Western Christianity.²⁷

The majority of archaeologists and historians today therefore deny the historical existence of St Ursula, but the question still arises as to why and how the legend of St Ursula was able to develop and become one of the most important martyr cults of Western Christianity in the Middle Ages. A not insignificant factor in this may have been the need of the Cologne clergy and the city's population to be able to compete with other larger, western European cities in terms of prestigious local references (according to Tonio Hölscher),²⁸ which resulted from the local, supposedly historical work of an important saint and the possession of his relic. In addition, the relic of an important saint promised supra-regional pilgrimages and thus economic gain for the monastery and the city. Furthermore, as a mercantile centre, Cologne had far-reaching connections and financial resources at its disposal to represent and disseminate such a claim appropriately. The fact that people in medieval Cologne were extremely willing to claim alleged saints, their local connections and the possession of their relics on the basis of dubious or extremely poor historical evidence is also evident from the medieval veneration of St Gereon, the Thebaic Legion and St Severin (see above).

Although it will be obvious that the discovery of an old, large burial ground near the established place of veneration of St Ursula would have been regarded by the inclined believer of the 12th century as supposedly clear proof of the veracity of the Ursula legend and the martyrdom of thousands outside the walls of Cologne, it is largely uncertain on what basis and why the legend of the martyrdom of the blessed virgins near Cologne had already received supra-regional recognition and religious impact. The so-called Clematius inscription seems to have been decisive for this. The, in origin and meaning highly controversial, epigraph was regarded as supposedly late antique evidence of the martyrdom of the holy virgins near Cologne from the early 10th century at the latest. The first part of the inscription is quoted verbatim in the Sermo in Natali as evidence for the martyrdom of the virgins and thus represents a terminus ante quem for the wording of this section of the inscription.²⁹

3 The Clematius inscription

3.1 Materiality and translation suggestions

In its current form, the epigraph consists of a rectangular limestone slab that is approx. 71 cm wide, approx. 39 cm high³⁰ and approx. 10 cm deep.³¹ The letters of the thirteen-line Latin inscription are each approx. 3 cm high and were painted red at one point in the past. Overall, the inscription appears to be relatively well preserved, but the sandstone slab is slightly irregularly perforated from top to bottom in the centre and various letter hashes in the first column are missing due to slight damage to the left and right edges (Figure 2).³² Today, the inscription plate is walled into the south wall of the Gothic long choir of St Ursula's Basilica (Cologne). The relatively high placement and supposedly exact fit of the inscription between the vertical pilaster strips of the choir have led to various speculations among researchers. However, this appears to be arbitrary speculation in the light of Wilhelm Levison's statement, that the inscription had originally been placed somewhat deeper into the pilaster strips before 1886.³³

It has also been considered on various occasions whether the present epigraph could be of medieval origin. Although it is possible that the present inscription was not engraved on the stone slab in question until the Middle Ages, the high degree of artistic skill and symmetry could suggest a late antique craftsman as the author. On the other hand, there are also examples of comparable epigraphic products from the early Christian Middle Ages, which is why this question cannot ultimately be answered definitively.³⁴ However, a medieval production of the present tablet would not necessarily justify the assumption of a medieval forgery. Although many cases of Christian pseudepigraphy and literary forgery in late antiquity and the Middle Ages can be documented today,³⁵ there is also the hypothetical possibility that a medieval production could merely (partially) reproduce an original text from late antiquity.

The apparent donor inscription of Clematius, which according to Josef Kremer is the only building inscription of an early Christian church in the Rhineland known to date, reads:³⁶

1 DIVINIS FLAMMEIS VISIONIB(us) FREQV/EN/T/ER
2 ADMONIT(us) ET VIRTVTI(bu)S MAGNAE MAI<->
3 ESTATIS MARTYRII CAELESTIVM VIRGIN(um)
4 IMMINENTIUM EX PARTIB(us) ORIENTIS
5 EXSIBITVS PRO VOTO CLEMATIVS V(ir) C(larissimus) DE
6 PROPRIO IN LOCO SVO HANC BASILICA/M
7 VOTO QVOD DEBEBAT A FVNDAMEN/TIS
8 RESTITVIT <.> SI QVIS AVT/EM SVPER TAN/TA/M
9 MAIIESTAT/EM HVIIVS BASILICAE VBI SA/NC<->
10 TAE VIRGINES PRO NOMINE -XPI- SAN<->
11 GVIN/EM SVV/M FVDERVN/T CO/RPVS ALICVIIVS
12 DEPOSVERIT EXCEPTIS VIRGINIB(vs) SCIAT SE
13 SEMPIT/ERNIS TARTARI IGNIB(vs) PVNIENDV/M (esse)<.>

Suggested translation by Wolfgang Binsfeld [English translation by the author]:³⁷

1 Durch gottgesandte Feuervisionen mehrfach [Through God-sent fire visions several times]
2 gemahnt und durch die Kraft des hocherhabenen [admonished and through the power of the exalted]
3 Martyriums der himmlischen Jungfrauen, [Martyrdom of the heavenly virgins,]
4 die erschienen, aus dem Morgenland [who appeared, from the Orient]
5 herbeigeführt hat aufgrund eines Gelübdes Clematius, ein Mann von Senatorenrang, [was brought about by a vow made by Clematius, a man of senatorial rank,]
6 aus eigenen Mitteln auf seinem (oder: ihrem?) Boden diese Basilika [from his own resources on his (or: their? [the virgins']) ground this basilica]
7 - nach dem Gelübde, das er zu erfüllen hatte - von den Grundmauern auf [- according to the vow he had to fulfil - from the foundation walls]
8 wiederhergestellt. Wenn aber jemand [restored. But if someone]
9 innerhalb dieser so hocherhabenen Basilika, wo die heiligen [within this so exalted basilica, where the holy]
10 Jungfrauen für Christi Namen ihr Blut [Virgins for Christ's name their blood]
11 vergossen haben, jemandes Leichnam [have shed, someone's corpse]
12 bestattet - mit Ausnahme der Jungfrauen - so soll er wissen, dass er [buried - with the exception of virgins - he shall know that he]
13 mit ewigem Höllenfeuer bestraft werden soll. [shall be punished with eternal hellfire.]

Alternative translation proposal by Josef Kremer [English translation by the author]:³⁸

1 Nachdem er durch göttliche Flammen-Visionen häufig [After having frequently experienced divine flame visions]
2 aufgefordert worden und nachdem er von den Kräften der großen Er- [and after having been called upon by the forces of the great]
3 habenheit des Martyriums der himmlischen Jungfrauen, [martyrdom of the heavenly virgins,]
4 die <ihn> bedrängten, aus den Teilen des Orients [who beset [/harassed] <him>, from the parts of the Orient]
5 für das Gelübde herbeigeholt worden war, hat Clematius v c aus [had been brought in for the vow, Clematius v c by]
6 eigenen Mitteln an ihrem Ort diese Basilika [own means at their place this basilica]
7 nach dem Gelübde, das er schuldete, von den Fundamenten auf [according to the vow he owed, from the foundations up]
8 wiederhergestellt. Wenn aber jemand bei soviel [restored. But if anyone, with so much]
9 Erhabenheit dieser Basilika, wo hei- [grandeur of this basilica, where ho-]
10 lige Jungfrauen im Namen Chr(ist)i ihr [ly virgins in the name of Chr(ist)i their]
11 Blut vergossen haben, den Leib irgend jemandes [blood shed, the body of anyone]
12 bestatten wird, ausgenommen von Jungfrauen, soll er wissen, [buried, except for virgins, shall he know,]
13 daß er mit ewigen Feuern des Tartarus bestraft werden muß. [that he must be punished with eternal fires of Tartarus.]

Wilhelm Levison, among others, has dealt extensively with the question of the most accurate possible interpretation and translation of the inscription text.³⁹ However, it is not possible to go into all the questions concerning the translation of the inscription in detail here. It is important to note that although the grammar, choice of words and style of the inscription could be late antique, they are also compatible with the assumption that it was produced in the early Middle Ages (possibly in a slightly antique style).⁴⁰

In general, the inscription claims that a certain Clematius, a "v(ir) c(larissimus)"⁴¹, rebuilt or at least extensively renovated this basilica⁴² in honour of the heavenly virgins who were executed there as martyrs. Furthermore, the inscription forbids the burial of bones other than those of the heavenly virgins under threat of hellish punishment. It is disputed whether Clematius or the holy virgins originated from the Orient according to the inscription. For a long time, people endeavoured to assume the former in order to avoid contradicting the Briton origin of the virgins, which has often been postulated since the Middle Ages. The preacher of the Sermo in Natali understands the designation as a statement about the origin of the virgins, but contradicts the inscription on this point. Ultimately, the inscription is too vague here too, so that in the absence of other sources, the meaning of this bold and ambivalent designation of origin cannot be clearly determined. Depending on whether one postulates a late antique or early medieval origin, there are in turn a multitude of possible explanations for the individual unclear formulations. However, the contradiction between the preacher and this statement of the inscription in the early 10th century seems interesting. This seems to reflect part of the process of a collective medieval invention of legends: a late antique or pseudolate antique inscription, which vainly reports the restoration of a basilica in honour of martyred virgins, is cited as proof of a supposedly historical martyrdom in ancient times at the gates of Cologne, but the preacher contradicts the inscription in places, based on uncertain oral traditions known only to him, and begins to form his own pseudo-historical "truth" by virtue of his office.⁴³ Although, as already mentioned, the preacher still appears to be somewhat more critical and in this religious, medieval context no modern source criticism is to be expected, it is significant that fundamental details of the legend were disputed even among clerics at this time. Research now assumes the continuity of the Christian community in Cologne since late antiquity,⁴⁴ which is why it seems strange that, on the one hand, no (written) sources mentioned a martyrdom of Christian virgins in Cologne for a very long time and, on the other hand, no broad local oral tradition seems to have existed about a supposedly so significant local martyrdom, so that in the 10th century an enigmatic inscription and individual opinions had to be used to reconstruct the events.

3.2 Dating and interpretation of the Clematius inscription

In 1927, Wilhelm Levison distinguished between three relatively prominent scholarly theories about the origin of the Clematius inscription: firstly, those who consider the inscription to be a genuine late antique founder's inscription or an exact copy of it; secondly, those who consider the inscription to be a medieval testimony or a forgery (either from the 9th, 12th, 15th or 17th century); and thirdly, those who follow Alexander Riese in assuming that the first part of the inscription, which the preacher also quotes, is from the 4th century original and that the second part (from "Si quis antem" onwards) was added in the late 9th century.⁴⁵ The latter opinion is hardly held any more due to a lack of sound evidence for this subdivision, while the first and second opinions are still held. However, as already mentioned above, one or the other theory may be supported on the basis of various indications and professional experience in comparison with similar, better datable cases, but there is still no conclusive evidence for the exact dating and interpretation of the inscription. However, due to the content of the text, it is now increasingly assumed that the Clematius inscription does not date to before the 7th century, but rather to the 8th or 9th century, partly because, according to Josef Kremer, the element of describing visions of this kind is more typical of an early medieval account.⁴⁶

The second part of the inscription, which threatens hellish fires as punishment for the burial of unholy bones, also speaks in favour of a dating during the early medieval emergence of the virgin legend. Although Alexander Riese may be wrong in his assumption of a temporal discrepancy between the parts of the inscription, it is true that the second part may have been of particular relevance to the situation at the end of the 9th century at the latest. The sentence: "But if anyone, with so much grandeur of this basilica, where holy virgins have shed their blood in the name of Christ, buries the body of anyone except virgins, he should know that he must be punished with eternal fires of Tartarus" (lines 8-13), was obviously not primarily intended to prevent the burial of other, non-saints within the basilica or in its immediate vicinity. Such a prominent placement of this rule would presumably not have been necessary for practical reasons, especially as the church had existed as part of a foundation since 866 at the latest and there was not necessarily a risk that unauthorised persons (most of whom would probably not have been able to read Latin inscriptions anyway) could easily bury non-saintly bones at the basilica outside the city gates. Rather, this passage clearly functions on the one hand to emphasise the importance and sanctity of these martyrs, by highlighting all other Christians and therefore the basilica itself, and on the other hand as indirect proof of the sanctity of the supposed virgin bones, which were probably already venerated in the church at this time, and implicitly also for the entire legend of the saints. If the burier of unholy bones is threatened with terrible hellfire, then the relics venerated here must be truly special and holy and come from those same virgin martyrs. Conversely, anyone who passed off bones that did not come from the virgins in question as such would also have had to reckon with this draconian punishment, something that no devout Christian or even canon would risk, which is why the bones that were officially venerated in the monastery had to be genuine (within the framework of this logic).

That there may have been a certain need to justify the authenticity of the bones venerated in the basilica is also suggested by a legend from the late 9th century, which describes the recovery of the supposed bones of a certain virgin by a dove that showed the historical Bishop Kunibert the correct grave in the 7th century.⁴⁷

For the sake of completeness, it should be mentioned that Nancy Gauthier has argued that the author of the Clematius inscription in the 9th century used the so-called Christus (building) inscription [ Christusinschrift ], which she dates to between the 4th and 7th centuries, as a basis.⁴⁸ The so-called Christus inscription is a poem written in hexameters, which has vague similarities with the Clematius inscription and which has only survived in a copy from the 16th century.⁴⁹ Although the author reports that the so-called Christ inscription comes from ancient sources, there is in fact no evidence that it is actually a building inscription. As Josef Kremer conclusively explains, Nancy Gauthier's thesis is not very convincing, as knowledge of the Clematius inscription reveals the content of the poem [Clematius inscription] (and not vice versa).⁵⁰

However, as Gernot Nürnberger emphasises, Nancy Gauthier must be acknowledged for the fact that since her study of the Clematius inscription, a more regular balance has been struck between the late antique and (her) Carolingian dating.⁵¹ As already mentioned, the dating between the late 7th and early 9th century now seems most plausible, both stylistically and in the context of the formation of the virgin legends. However, Wilhelm Levison was able to establish by comparison that the linguistic style of the inscription corresponds to that of "official" late antique and early medieval inscriptions from the Rhineland,⁵² which is why, in addition to the materiality and the typeface, the use of language also suggests a representative function.

In fact, especially in older research on the basilica, there is a misconception that the inscription,⁵³ which at first glance may appear to be ancient, is reliable evidence for the late antique reconstruction of a church on the site of today's basilica. If the reconstruction is supposed to have taken place in Roman times, the destruction of the first church is often attributed to the Frankish invasion of 355.⁵⁴ However, there is no other archaeological or historical evidence to support such an assumption; on the contrary, the first verifiable construction phase of the basilica appears to date back to the late 6th or early 7th century.⁵⁵

In general, researchers are constantly endeavouring to link the Clematius inscription to a verifiable construction phase (after all, the inscription refers to a reconstruction).⁵⁶ In the context of the current dating of the inscription and the construction phases of the basilica, no construction phase can be clearly assigned to the inscription, although in both cases the dating allows for greater leeway.⁵⁷ It has often been discussed whether there is a connection with the Norman invasion of 881, in the course of which there are contemporary reports of the pillaging and destruction of churches in the Rhineland. However, there is no archaeological evidence of a corresponding layer of fire or destruction.⁵⁸

Of course, it is possible that a minor repair in this context or another during the period in question was the actual reason for the inscription. In that case, the wording "FVNDAMEN/TIS RESTITVIT" would be a rather inaccurate exaggeration. In my opinion, this apparent contradiction results from a widespread misinterpretation of the character of the inscription, which is often primarily understood as a donor or building inscription. In my opinion, however, the primary effect of the inscription is not the dating of a building phase or the reference to Clematius as the builder of one, but rather an indirect apologia for the Veneration of the virgins by confirming the authenticity of the relics located there and the historicity of the martyrdom of the virgins within the underlying Christian medieval logic. Cher Casey has also noted that from its first historical documentation, the Clematius inscription was primarily regarded as supposed evidence for the virgin legend and this, together with the authoritative habitus of the inscription, materiality, typeface and 'official' style, suggests that the inscription's creators had already intended the inscription to create an impressive authoritative testimony to the virgin legend.⁵⁹

Whether it is solely a fabrication to authenticate the relics and justify the basilica's claim to a prestigious historical continuity from Roman times, or a (deliberately antique-like) creation in the context of a historical, albeit less fundamental, renovation of the church by a Clematius between the late 7th and early 9th century, is hardly relevant to the central effect. From the early 10th century at the latest, the inscription served as a supposedly late antique primary source of the efficacy (potency) of the martyrdom of the virgins (triggering "divine visions of flames"): In order not to expose this explanatory approach of the Clematius inscription as an apologia of the blessed virgin's veneration to the accusation of an overly inductive bias, it should be emphasised here that both the most probable dating of the inscription excludes a genuine late antique creation, and the lack of late antique, archaeological building phase evidence, if there is any significant connection with a building phase at all, cannot support the assumption of a late antique building inscription. Furthermore, in the absence of corresponding early medieval building phases, it is reasonable to assume that there can at least be no reference to a fundamental building phase.⁶⁰

Now one could argue that Clematius may have been trying to portray himself as a more important builder than he was. So was it an exaggeration by a powerful but not too generous man (he can have the inscription placed in a church, but does not want to spend the money to actually build the basilica "FVNDAMEN/TIS RESTITVIT"), which, due to the explicit choice of words, may have bordered on a lie? In such a case, it cannot be assumed that Clematius had too much personal devotion to God, which is why the excessive focus on the holy virgins instead of on Clematius himself (for example as an independent, benevolent donor) and the indirect confirmation of the authenticity of their bones and their martyrdom, as well as the weak and humble staging as an instrument of God driven by visions of flames, seem less logical. The curse formula is also of little use to the self-portrayal of the supposed founder; it would be much more useful to him and his supposedly self-promotional purpose if he could instrumentalise the power of the martyrs for his prestige (for example, if the curse threatened those who damaged or altered the building he had erected) and not if he appeared solely as a vehicle in their honour. The latter certainly also promised a certain pious prestige in the early Middle Ages and there were undoubtedly also ostentatious displays of supposed humility and piety by secular or ecclesiastical dignitaries, although the latter were often of a self-evident, at least regional prominence, which meant that an act of humility could have an even more impressive propagandistic effect. However, there is no evidence of Clematius' regional prominence in the early medieval Rhineland. It is therefore an unnecessary understatement to assume that the author (or patron) was primarily motivated by self-promotion or, assuming the author's sincere piety, probably an unnecessary false claim, which (as an inscription in a place of worship) would in turn be in conflict with the Christian prohibition of lying (and self-aggrandisement).

Conversely, these problems do not exist in the context of the reading of the inscription advocated here as an apologia for the virgin's Veneration. On the contrary, the significance of the naming of Clematius V. C., whether he was actually a respected early medieval donor or a fictitious late antique figure, and the emphasis on the fact that a glorious man of such rank had rebuilt the church in question from his own resources, driven by divine visions, lies in the fact that this primarily serves to emphasise the prestige and the supposed effectiveness (up to and including divine intervention through Clematius as an instrument) of the (thus, in the context of this logic, obviously genuine) heavenly virgins.

This reading does not necessarily presuppose a group of clerics⁶¹ interested in pilgrimages, profit and prestige for their own place of worship as the author of the inscription. However, it was undoubtedly an urgent concern of the author (whether consciously or unconsciously), and he possibly believed himself to be the recipient of higher visions that justified such claims to himself, to de facto document/ prove by means of the inscription the authenticity of the relics, the historical authenticity and the potency of the heavenly virgins.

This assumption is also consistent with the finding that the Cologne martyrs only gained increasing supra-regional acceptance in the late 9th and 10th centuries and that a detailed, formal narrative thread only emerged until the late 10th century and early 11th century. Thus, the legend seems to have originated in some form presumably before the 9th century (t. a. q. the existence of the abbey in 866) from a local legendary tradition and/or possibly the isolated discovery of bones and grave goods during earlier work in and around the basilica and to have experienced an increasing veneration, which also resulted in a certain need to justify the increasing veneration or to convince others of the supposed power of the virgins.

The burial of Viventia, daughter of Pippin the Elder and sister of St Gertrudis, cited by Josef Kremer, could be a possible origin of such a local virgin legend.⁶² A coffin attributed to her has been in the basilica since the Middle Ages. Josef Kremer proposes that Pippin the Elder could have induced Bishop Kunibert, who was close to him, to have canons or canonesses take care of a possibly original tomb of his daughter in the basilica. Although this may have only lasted temporarily and later canons and canonesses may no longer have seen this as their primary task, this could have triggered the formation of legends about noble and pious or even holy virgins.

4 Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be stated that the origin and development of the legend of the holy virgins of Cologne and later of St. Ursula, as well as its partial aspects, up to the Ottonian period, have been the subject of many archaeological, epigraphic and historical investigations, especially in the last century. It can be assumed with certainty that there was no late antique historical person who served as a direct model for the medieval St Ursula and that there is also no evidence of a historical martyrdom of Christian virgins near Cologne. Such a martyrdom seems absolutely improbable in the absence of any near-contemporary sources.

The development of the veneration of the holy virgins can be traced at least partially on the basis of individual written sources, the archaeological investigations of the church construction phases and the epigraphic investigation and archaeological-historical contextualisation. It was explained why the Clematius inscription, which is significant in terms of the history of veneration, should rather be understood as an apologia for the legend of the virgins than as a conventional donor inscription.

The results of this work could also provide a starting point for clarifying the question of whether and to what extent a comparable Christian apologetic function can be identified in other early medieval architectural inscriptions in the Rhineland.

5 List of sources

Passio Ursulae (Fuit tempore pervetusto) (BHL 8427)

Sermo in natali sanctae Ursulae (BHL 8426)

Sermo in natali sanctae Ursulae (BHL 8426), u. a. in: J. H. Kessel, St. Ursula und ihre Gesellschaft. Eine kritisch-historische Monographie (Köln 1863) 156-167.

6 Bibliography

Britannica Academic 1998

Britannica Academic (1998) online s. v. Saint Ursula, academic-eb-com.ubproxy.ub.uni- heidelberg.de/levels/collegiate/article/Saint-Ursula/74498 (01.09.2023)

Baum 2001

A. D. Baum, Pseudepigraphie und literarische Fälschung im frühen Christentum. Mit ausgewählten Quellentexten samt deutscher Übersetzung, Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Reihe 2 138 (Tübingen 2001)

Binsfeld 1965

W. Binsfeld, Frühchristliche Steininschriften, in: Römisch-Germanischen Museum Köln (Hrsg.) - O. Doppelfeld (Vorr.), Frühchristliches Köln, Schriftenreihe der Archäologischen Gesellschaft Köln Nr. 12 (Köln 1965) 59-64

Bryan 2016

X. J. Bryan, Ursula in the British History Tradition, in: J. Cartwright (Hrsg.), The cult of St Ursula and the 11,000 virgins (Cardiff 2016) 119-142

Cartwright 2016

Y. Cartwright, Introduction, in: J. Cartwright (Hrsg.), The cult of St Ursula and the 11,000 virgins (Cardiff 2016) 1-9

Casey 2022

Z. Casey, Chapter 7. Transmitting Sacred Authority through Stone. The Clematius Inscription and Cologne’s Cult of the Holy Virgins, in: M. Henvey - A. Doviak - J. Hawkes,

Transmissions and Translations in Medieval Literary and Material Culture, Art and Material Culture in Medieval and Renaissance Europe. Volume 17 (Leiden 2022) 145-161

Encyclopædia Britannica 1911

Encyclopædia Britannica Vol. 27 (11th ed. 1911) 803 s. v. Ursula, St (T. Archer - A. Grieve)

Euskirchen 2018

M. Euskirchen - T. Höltken, Kindergräber bei St. Ursula, in: M. Trier - F. Naumann-Steckner (Hrsg.), BodenSchätze - Archäologie in Köln (Köln 2018) 106-109

Flynn 2016

W. Flynn, Chapter 5. Hildegard (1089-1179) and the Virgin Martyrs of Cologne, in:

J. Cartwright (Hrsg.), The cult of St Ursula and the 11,000 virgins (Cardiff 2016) 93-118

Gauthier 1973

N. Gauthier, Origine et premiers développements de la légende de sainte Ursule à Cologne, AE 117 Nr. 1, 1973, 108-121

Hölscher 2020

T. Hölscher, From Early on to Become a Hero (‘Held’). Mythical Models of Alexander’s Image and Biography, in: K. Trampedach - A. Meeus (Hrsg.), The Legitimation of Conquest. Monarchical Representation and the Art of Government in the Empire of Alexander the Great (Stuttgart 2020) 21-44

Kessel 1863

J. H. Kessel, St. Ursula und ihre Gesellschaft. Eine kritisch-historische Monographie (Köln 1863)

Kremer 1993

J. Kremer, Studien zum frühen Christentum in Niedergermanien (Diss. Rheinischen Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn 2002)

Kühnemann 1965

E. Kühnemann, St. Ursula, in: Römisch-Germanischen Museum Köln (Hrsg.) - O. Doppelfeld (Vorr.), Frühchristliches Köln, Schriftenreihe der Archäologischen Gesellschaft Köln Nr. 12 (Köln 1965) 50-54

Levison 1927

W. Levison, Das Werden der Ursula-Legende, in: Bonner Jahrbücher - Jahrbücher des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande. Heft 132 (Bonn 1927) 1-164

Militzer 2016

K. Militzer, Chapter 2. The Church of St Ursula in Cologne. Inscriptions and Excavations, in:

J. Cartwright (Hrsg.), The cult of St Ursula and the 11,000 virgins (Cardiff 2016) 29-40

Militzer 2017

K. Militzer, St. Ursula in Köln. Eine erfundene Heilige als Fürbitterin für einen sanften Tod, Brathair - Revista de Estudos Celtas e Germanicos 17 (1) 2017, 5-11

Montgomery 2016

S. B. Montgomery, Chapter 1. What’s in a Name? Navigating Nomenclature in the Cult of St Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins, in: J. Cartwright (Hrsg.), The cult of St Ursula and the 11,000 virgins (Cardiff 2016) 11-28

Nürnberger 2002

T. Nürnberger, Die Ausgrabungen in St. Ursula zu Köln (Diss. Rheinische Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn 2002)

Ristow 2007

U. Ristow, Frühes Christentum im Rheinland. Die Zeugnisse der archäologischen und historischen Quellen an Rhein, Maas und Mosel, Jahrbuch 2006 des Rheinischen Vereins für Denkmalpflege und Landschaftsschutz (Köln 2007)

Schmitz 1999

W. Schmitz, Zum Ursprung der Ursulalegende. Die Inschrift des Clematius, in: Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I. Antike und Mittelalter von den Anfängen bis 1396/7 (Köln 1999) 53-58

Trier 2022

M. Trier, Das spätantike Köln im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert n. Chr., in: Generaldirektion Kulturelles Erbe Rheinland-Pfalz, Landesmuseum Mainz (Hrsg.), Mainz und Köln. Zwei urbane Zentren zwischen Antike und Mittelalter (Regensburg 2022) 51-79

7 Illustration apparatus

Figure 1: Reconstructed floor plans of construction phases I and II of St Ursula's Church (Cologne) according to Josef Kremer (cf. Figure 15 "Construction phases I and II of St Ursula's Church in Cologne"["Bauphasen I und II der Kirche St. Ursula in Köln" ], in: Kremer 1993)

- Not reproduced here for legal reasons. The entire dissertation J. Kremer, Studien zum frühen Christentum in Niedergermanien (Diss. Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn 2002) including Figure 15 ("Bauphasen I und II der Kirche St. Ursula in Köln") can be accessed and downloaded free of charge at <https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:hbz:5- 38734>!

Figure 2: Open access photograph by Raimond Spekking (© Raimond Spekking / CC BY-SA 4.0 [via Wikimedia Commons]) of the so-called Clematius inscription (St. Ursula, Cologne), https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:St.Ursula K%C3%B6ln-Clematius-Inschrift(3218-20).jpg (30/08/2023)

Abb. in Leseprobe nicht enthalten

Licence information:

© Raimond Spekking / CC BY-SA 4.0 (via Wikimedia Commons) (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:St._Ursula_Köln_-_Clematius-Inschrift_(3218- 20).jpg), https://creativecommons.Org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/legalcode

© Raimond Spekking / CC BY-SA 4.0 (via Wikimedia Commons), St. Ursula Köln - Clematius-Inschrift (3218-20), CC BY-SA 4.0

© Raimond Spekking / CC BY-SA 4.0 (via Wikimedia Commons) (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:St._Ursula_Köln_-_Clematius-Inschrift_(3218- 20).jpg), „St. Ursula Köln - Clematius-Inschrift (3218-20)“, https://creativecommons.Org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/legalcode

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¹ Cartwright 2016, 1-4; Casey 2022, 146f.

² Militzer 2017, 6. 8.

³ Flynn 2016, 93-95.

⁴ Casey 2022, 156f. While three crowns in the upper half of Cologne's coat of arms metaphorically represent the three kings, eleven "flames" in the lower half are said to represent the eleven (or 11,000) martyrs.

⁵ Before the 17th century, today's St Ursula's Basilica was called the "Church of the Holy Virgins" (cf. Kühnemann 1965, 50).

⁶ Nürnberger 2002, 129. 137.

⁷ Ristow 2007, 113.

⁸ Militzer 2017, 6.

⁹ Militzer 2017, 6; In fact, the archaeological findings of the Roman-Franconian cemetery near St. Ursula have been considerably disturbed due to extensive medieval relic excavations. However, it is a cemetery that was used in parallel by several local ethnic groups and religions over a longer period from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, and there is also no anthropological evidence of female execution victims or even (Christian) group or mass graves (cf. Schmitz 1999, 55; Euskirchen 2018, 106f.)

¹⁰ Militzer 2016, 35.

¹¹ Nürnberger 2002, 137; Encyclopedia Britannica Vol. 27 (11th ed. 1911) 803 s. v. Ursula, St (T Archer - A. Grieve); Kremer 1993, 201-228; Schmitz 1999, 54.

¹² Nürnberger 2002, 11f.; Montgomery 2016, 17; Flynn 2016, 109f.

¹³ Nürnberger 2002, 129. 137.

¹⁴ Nürnberger 2002, 139.

¹⁵ Nuremberg 2002, 139-141.

¹⁶ As Gernot Nürnberger points out, a Saula is mentioned in a litany of the Corvey monastery (ca. 827-840) - without a reference to Cologne - even before Gunthar's signing over of the property (as in: alienation of an estate), although the link with the virgins of Cologne is based solely on the correlation of the name with one of those frequently attributed to the virgins of Cologne in later litanies (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 137). Although the date of the emergence of this name suggests a causal connection, caution is often called for when saints are mentioned by name in the early Middle Ages with little specificity. In the 9th/10th century, for example, the life of the venerated Bishop Severin of Cologne was mixed up with that of the likewise venerated Bishop Severin of Bordeaux on the basis of the same name, and it was sometimes assumed that this was the same historical person (cf. Ristow 2007, 108f.).

¹⁷ Nürnberger 2002, 139f.

¹⁸ Sermo in natali sanctae Ursulae (BHL 8426), in: Kessel 1863, 156-167.

¹⁹ Nürnberger 2002, 144.

²⁰ Nürnberger 2002, 143f.; Passio Ursulae (Fuit tempore pervetusto) (BHL 8427).

²¹ Levison 1927, 88f.

²² Passio Ursulae (Fuit tempore pervetusto) (BHL 8427).

²³ Montgomery 2016, 15f.

²⁴ Kremer 1993, 192.

²⁵ Bryan 2016, 127f.

²⁶ Kremer 1993, 309f.

²⁷ Britannica Academic (1998) online s. v. Saint Ursula, academic-eb-com.ubproxy.ub.uni- heidelberg.de/levels/collegiate/article/Saint-Ursula/74498 (01.09.2023).

²⁸ In Hölscher 2020, 22-25, Tonio Hölscher uses local reference to describe the fact that ancient Hellenic rulers and poleis derived claims to special fame and prestige from a special, sometimes supposedly historical reference to a deity. However, the principle of local reference can also be applied to the prestigious special status that churches, cities and monasteries enjoyed in the Middle Ages as a result of their connection to a saint or the supposed possession of an important relic.

²⁹ Sermo in natali sanctae Ursulae (BHL 8426), in: Kessel 1863, 156-167; 161-163.

³⁰ Gernot Nürnberger gives the height as 49-51 cm (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 123).

³¹ Levison 1927, 7f.

³² Nürnberger 2002, 122f.

³³ Levison 1927, 7.

³⁴ Nürnberger 2002, 123-129.

³⁵ Baum 2001, 7-16.

³⁶ Gernot Nuernberger's transcript of the epigraphic inscription (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 122). It should also be noted that the so-called contraction bar above XPI (line 10) cannot be adequately reproduced here (cf. Kremer 1993, 154).

³⁷ Binsfeld 1965, 59; Nürnberger 2002, 122.

³⁸ Kremer 1993, 153.

³⁹ Levison 1927, 3-25.

⁴⁰ Schmitz 1999, 54.

⁴¹ Although the term "vir clarissimus" (~ very famous/glorious man) is a term of honour for a man of senatorial rank that was quite common in (late) antiquity, the continued use of "vir clarissimus" and similar Roman terms of honour for rulers and members of their court can be traced back to the time of Charlemagne (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 127f.) and is therefore ambivalent in meaning. Incidentally, the same applies to the curse formula that speaks of Tartarus (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 128).

⁴² There is no incontrovertible proof that the inscription refers to the basilica in question or its predecessor building in Cologne. Theoretically, the inscription could have been moved or copied from a different context to its current location at a later date. The apparently direct reference to the veneration of virgins and the lack of alternative places of origin make doubting the originality of this connection seem less plausible, which is why researchers hardly ever discuss this option.

⁴³ Sermo in natali sanctae Ursulae (BHL 8426), in: Kessel 1863, 156-167.

⁴⁴ Trier 2022, 68.

⁴⁵ Levison 1993, 4f.

⁴⁶ Nürnberger 2002, 127f. 134; Kremer 1993, 178. 165-200.

⁴⁷ Nuremberg 2002, 128-130.

⁴⁸ Nürnberger 2002, 124-127; Gauthier 1973, 108-121.

⁴⁹ Transcript and translation of the so-called Christusinschrift (cf. Nürnberger 2002, 125f.) [English translation by the author]:
1 Christe, quem dominum caeli regemque Deumque
2 crux iubet agnosci, mortem qui vicit acerbam
3 martyrioque suo reparavit secula cunctis,
4 hic ubi virgineum fudit manus impia sanguen,
5 angli seu Christi casta inter somnia iussu
6 Clematius fuso posuit pro sanguine templum
7 et Diodora simul, cara et grandissima coniunx.
8 In tantum meritum caelestia facta resurgunt.
1 Oh, Christus, den als Herrn des Himmels, König und Gott,
2 das Kreuz anzuerkennen befiehlt. Der den unerbittlichen Tod besiegt hat
3 und durch sein Martyrium die Zeit/Welt fur alle wiederhergestellt hat.
4 Hier, wo eine gottlose Hand das jungfrauliche Blut vergossen hat,
5 - sei es des Engels oder Christi Befehl während eines frommen Traumes -
6 hat Clematius den Tempel für das vergossene Blut errichtet
7 und mit ihm zugleich Diodora, die liebe und dankbarste Gattin.
8 In solchem Verdienst erneuern sich die himmlischen Taten.
[1 O Christ, whom as Lord of heaven, King and God,
2 commands to recognise the cross. Who has conquered relentless death
3 and through his martyrdom restored the time/world for all.
4 Here, where an ungodly hand has shed the virgin's blood,
5 - be it the angel's or Christ's command during a pious dream -
6 Clematius has built the temple for the shed blood
7 and with him Diodora, his dear and most grateful wife.
8 In such merit, heavenly deeds are renewed.]

⁵⁰ Kremer 1993, 188; Nürnberger 2002, 125-127.

⁵¹ Nürnberger 2002, 124.

⁵² Levison 1927, 11-21; Casey 2022, 151.

⁵³ Due to the symmetry of the inscription, a non-Roman craftsman was often doubted as the author. Wilhelm Levison was already able to refute this argument through comparative findings (cf. Levison 1927, 8f.) and, moreover, there is sufficient evidence today that not all original Roman craftsmanship disappeared with the withdrawal of Roman troops and that in some cases a pseudo-Roman forms of representation were even deliberately sought.

⁵⁴ For example, Kühnemann 1965, 50-52 and Binsfeld 1965, 59 still hold these views in part.

⁵⁵ Kremer 1993, 297-300.

⁵⁶ I. a. Kühnemann 1965, 50-52.

⁵⁷ Nürnberger 2002, 129.

⁵⁸ Nürnberger 2002, 131.

⁵⁹ Casey 2022, 157 f. 145-158.

⁶⁰ Nürnberger 2002, 129.

⁶¹ An individual would probably have needed at least the approval of other clerics to affix the inscription in such an important and regularly frequented place.

⁶² Kremer 1993, 182-184.

• College: University of Heidelberg (ZAW – Institut für Klassische Archäologie und Byzantinische Archäologie)
• Course: Viva Colonia. Eine Stadtbiografie von der Gründung bis ins frühe Mittelalter (Proseminar)
• Author: Pascal Johannes Harter (Author)
• Publication Year: 2023
• Pages: 22
• Catalog Number: V1472148
• ISBN (PDF): 9783389020203
• ISBN (Book): 9783389020210
• Language: English
• Tags: Late antiquity, Middle Ages, Cologne, St Ursula, Blessed Virgins, Holy Virgins, Christianity, veneration of saints, martyrs, relics, pilgrims, Ottonian period, medieval forgery, Huns, Classical archaeology, epigraphy, hagiography, legends of saints, Clematius inscription, 11,000, Passio Ursulae, Sermo in natali