This study examines the morphosyntactic constraints on Pashto-English code mixing. The framework for the present research is based on the widely attested code-switching model, the Matrix language Frame Model augmented by 4-M model. The present study supports the asymmetrical structure approach to the Pashto-English bilingual data for the morphosyntactic constraints. In order to investigate four research questions, 25 clips of Pashto speech community have been transcribed and analyzed.
In the core research question for the morphosyntactic constraints, the study is based on MLF model augmented by 4-M model. It has been found that Pashto is the language responsible for the morphosyntactic frame and is the matrix language while English is the embedding language. The second research question for the pattern of code mixing is based on Muysken (2000) typology of code mixing where it has been found that the pattern of insertion is the dominant pattern of code mixing. The third research question shows that in the bilingual compound verb, the light verb construction is highly innovative and an emerging category in the Pashto-English bilingual data. The fourth research question shows that Pashto-English code mixing is used as a device of indigenization of English loanwords in the Pashto language of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Abstract
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables xv
List of Abbreviations xvi
CHAPTER 1
THE STUDY OF CODE MIXING
1.1 Introduction
1.2 The Present Study
1.3 Code Mixing in the Pashto Cpeech Community of KP
1.4 Types of Bilingualism in KP and its Influence on Code Mixing
1.5 Social Setting
1.6 The Pashto Language as Marker of Identity
1.7 Code Mixing VS other Contact Phenomena
1.8 Code mixing and Code Switching
1.9 Code mixing and Borrowing
1.10 Social Factors and Code choice in a Bilingual Speech Community
1.11 Organization of the Dissertation
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Sociolinguistic Dimensions of Code Switching
2.2.1 The Emergence of Code Switching
2.2.2 The Contribution of Fishman’s Model
2.2.3 Situational and Metaphorical Mwitching in Blom and Gumperz (1972)
2.2.4 Situational and Metaphorical Switching
2.2.4.1 Gumperz’s 1982 Conversational Code Switching
2.2.5 Myers-Scotton’s Markedness Model
2.2.6 Conversation Analysis of Code Switching Data
2.2.7 Susan Gal’s (1979) Research on German and Hungarian languages
2.2.8 Code-choice and the Influence of Social Factors
2.2.9 Code Mixing Evidence in Code Switching Research
2.2.10 Empirical Research in Code Mixing: linguistic Form and Socio-cultural Meanings
2.3 Structural Dimensions of Code Mixing
2.3.1 Contribution of Timm (1975) and Pfaff (1979) to the Study of Code Mixing
2.3.2 Poplack’s (1980) Equivalence and Free Morpheme Constraints
2.3.2.1 Counter-evidence from Different languages
2.3.3 The Matrix Language Frame Model (MLFM)
2.3.4 Pieter Muysken’s (2000) Typological Approach to Code mixing
2.3.5 Different Processes of Code Mixing at Intra-sentential level
2.3.5.1 Features of the Three Code Mixing Patterns
2.3.5.2 The Pattern of Insertion
2.3.5.2.1 The pattern of alternation
2.3.5.3 The Pattern of Congruent Lexicalization
2.3.5.4 The Structural Interpretation of the Three Patterns
2.4 The Role of Syntactic Theory in the Analysis of Intrasentential Code Switching
2.4.1 The Government Constraints on Intrasentential Code Switching
2.4.2 The Functional Head Constraints
2.4.3 A Minimalist Approach to Intrasentential Code Switching
2.5 Summary
CHAPTER 3
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH DESIGN
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Structural Asymmetry in Bilingual Data
3.3 Uniform Structure as Principle
3.4 The Matrix Language Frame Model
3.4.1 The 4-M Model
3.5 Differential Access Hypothesis (DAH)
3.5.1 Conceptually-activated Morphemes: Content Morphemes and Early SMs
3.5.2 Late System Morphemes
3.6 Research Design/strategy
3.7 Research Questions
3.8 Methodology
3.8.1 Selection of the Target Population
3.8.2 Sample 1
3.8.3 A brief Description to the Subjects and the Topic of Discussion
3.8.4 Sample 2: AVT Khyber Recording Clips
3.8.5 Procedure for Data Collection
3.9 Transcription of the CM Data
3.10 Data Coding
3.10.1 Data Coding for Research Question One (1)
3.10.2 Data Coding for Research Question Two (2)
3.10.3 Data Coding for Research Question Three (3)
3.10.4 Data Coding for Research Question Four (4)
3.11 Summary
CHAPTER 4
THE SALIENT FEATURES OF PASHTO GRAMMAR
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Word Order in Pashto
4.3 Head-initial and Head-final Distinction between Pashto and the English Language
4.4 Pashto as Head-marking Language
4.5 Grammatical Categories
4.5.1 Nominal
4.5.1.1 Number
4.5.1.2 Gender
4.5.1.3 Case Forms
4.5.1.4 Vocative Case
4.5.2 Definite/Indefinite Nouns
4.5.3 Personal Pronouns
4.5.3.1 Demonstrative Pronouns
4.5.3.2 Possessive Pronouns
4.5.3.3 Possessive Clitics
4.5.3.4 Directive Pronouns
4.5.4 Adjectives
4.5.4.1 Degree of Comparison
4.5.4.2 Adjectives as Nouns
4.5.4.3 Adjectives as source of verbs
4.5.5 Prepositions and Postpositions
4.5.6 The Verb
4.5.6.1 Conjugation in Pashto Verb
4.5.6.2 Nominal Verb
4.6 Verb Classification
4.6.1 Complex Verb
4.6.2 Inchoative verb
4.6.3 Light verb – Inchoative
4.6.4 Transitive Verb
4.6.5 Derived Transitive (Verb)
4.7 Pashto Complex Verb and Aspect Driven Asymmetries
4.7.1 Merger and Clitic Placement
4.7.2 Clitic Placement in Compound Verb
4.8 Clitics in Pashto
4.9 Summary
CHAPTER 5
STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Morphosyntactic Constraints on Pashto-English CM
5.1 Introduction
5.2 English Single Elements in Different Constructions of Pashto
5.2.1 English Bare Nouns
5.2.2 Embedded Elements in Determiner Complex Construction
5.2.3 EL Elements in Determiner Construction
5.2.4 The EL Nouns in the ML Prepositional Phrases
5.2.5 In Possessive Construction (dә)
5.2.6 EL Adjective in ML Construction
5.2.7 EL Adverb in ML Construction
5.2.8 Embedded Element + Light verb
5.3 Embedded Islands in Pashto-English Code Mixing
5.3.1 Bare Embedded NPs Island in ML
5.3.2 Embedded Island in ML PPs
5.3.3 Embedded Island in the Determiner Construction
5.3.4 Embedded Island in the Possessive Construction
5.3.5 EL Island PPs in ML
5.3.6 EL Adjectives in EL Island
5.4 Conclusion
CHAPTER 6
STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
The pattern of CM in Pashto-English Bilingual data
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Predicting the CM Patterns
6.2.1 The Proposed Diagnostic Features for the Pattern of Insertion
6.3 Patterns of CM for Nouns
6.3.1 Nouns in Bare DP Constructions
6.3.2 Nouns in Determiner Phrase Constructions
6.3.3 Nouns in Prepositional Phrase Constructions
6.3.4 Nouns in the Possessive Constructions (dә)
6.4 EL Adjective in ML Constructions
6.5 EL Adverb in ML Constructions
6.6 Embedded Element + Light verb Constructions
6.7 Embedded Language Islands in Pashto-English Code Mixing
6.8 Conclusion
CHAPTER 7
STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Pashto-English CM and Light Verbs’ Innovations
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Monolingual Complex Predicates in the Literature
7.3 The Compound Verb Construction in Pashto
7.4 Bilingual Compound Verbs in the Code mixing literature
7.5 Pashto-English Bilingual Compound Verbs
7.5.1 English Verbs with the Light Verb kaw
7.5.2 Example with a Noun
7.5.3 Example with Gerund
7.6 English Verbs with the Intransitive Light Verb ‘keg’
7.6.1 Example with a Noun
7.6.2 Example with a Phrasal Verb
7.7 English Lexical Elements with the Pashto Verb ‘be’
7.7.1 English gerund with the Pashto copula (be)
7.7.2 Example with a Participle
7.7.3 English Lexical Element with a Light Verb ra- zam
7.8 Conclusion
CHAPTER 8
PASHTO-ENGLISH CM: A DEVICE OF INDIGENIZATION
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Code Mixing and Borrowing
8.3 Loanwords and Borrowing
8.4 Method
8.4.1 Tools for Data Collection
8.4.2 Procedure for Data Collection
8.5 Discussion on the English Loanwords in the Present data
8.6 The Major Categories
8.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER 9
CONCLUSION
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Morphosyntactic Constraints in the Pashto-English Bilingual data
9.3 The Pattern of Insertion in the Pashto-English Bilingual data
9.4 Pashto-English CM and Light Verbs’ Innovations
9.5 Pashto-English CM: A Device of Indigenization
9.6 Concluding Remarks
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Appendix A
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
There are many people who have contributed to my PhD dissertation, whom I would like to mention by name.
First I would like to express my gratitude to my thesis supervisor and mentor Dr. Nadeem Haider Bukhari for his faith in my work and acceptance as his student. Particularly, I am indebted to him for accepting this exciting topic for the present dissertation. His sublime nature, guidance, and his patience have made this work possible. I am also very grateful to my supervisor for his detailed comments, suggestions and in-depth proofreading which has made this work an acceptable piece of writing.
A special thanks to my foreign supervisor Dr. Pieter Muysken for his support, scholarship, and guidance throughout my stay at Radboud University (Netherlands). He and his team at the linguistic department have facilitated me with the required resources. In the entire stay he has made me at home. Despite his busy schedule he always welcomed me with a smile and patience. He has a great contribution in my PhD project.
I am also very thankful to Dr. Carol Myers-Scotton for her correspondence via emails and taking interest in my research. I appreciate her generosity for sending me research articles relevant to my work.
During my stay at Radboud University, I owe a special gratitude to the wonderful teachers, friends and fellow students: Professor Dr. Helen de Hoop, Dr. Margot van den Berg, Dr. Loretta Oconnor, Dr. Harald Hammarström, Dr.Gerrit Jan Kootstra, Helder Perri Ferreira, Joshua Birchal, Robbert van Sluijs, Linda van Meel, Hulya Shin and Hella for their contribution in one way or another.
The incessant support and cooperation from Dr. Abdul Qadir Abbasi Assistant Professor AJ&K and others staff members is worth mentioning.
Thanks are further extended to my close friends for their cooperation during the writing of this thesis. It would not be fair not to mention their names. I would like to thank specially, Dr. Kamal Khan, Riaz-u-Din, Khalil Ahmad, Ghani Rehman, Asif Ali, Farrukh Abbas and Rashid Ali Shah for their help and cooperation. Special thanks go to my friends in UMT, especially, MS Amina Khalid, Razm-ul-Zafar and MS Aneera Khalid for their moral support.
I am also very thankful to HEC for their financial support during this project. My final thanks go to my beloved Father, Amir Muhammad Khan the author of five literary books, my mother, my brothers, Fida Muhammad Khan, Waqar Ali Khan, Yahya Amir, Adil Amir, and my sisters to whom I am deeply indebted for their support, love and encouragement throughout this project.
I am also very much indebted to my beloved wife, my sons: Sudais Ahmad, Ohad Mubarak, Badar Jamal and my sweet daughter Eman Arshad for their patience and miseries throughout this project.
Abstract
This study examines the morphosyntactic constraints on Pashto-English code mixing. The framework for the present research is based on the widely attested code-switching model, the Matrix language Frame Model augmented by 4-M model (Myers-Scotton, 1993, 2002, 2006 and 2009). The present study supports the asymmetrical structure approach (Myers-Scotton, 2002) to the Pashto-English bilingual data for the morphosyntactic constraints. In order to investigate four research questions, 25 clips of Pashto speech community have been transcribed and analyzed. In the core research question for the morphosyntactic constraints, the study is based on MLF model augmented by 4-M model. It has been found that Pashto is the language responsible for the morphosyntactic frame and is the matrix language while English is the embedding language. The second research question for the pattern of code mixing is based on Muysken (2000) typology of code mixing where it has been found that the pattern of insertion is the dominant pattern of code mixing. The third research question shows that in the bilingual compound verb, the light verb construction is highly innovative and an emerging category in the Pashto-English bilingual data. The fourth research question shows that Pashto-English code mixing is used as a device of indigenization of English loanwords in the Pashto language of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
The study proposes two constraints, the Morpheme Order (MO) constraints and the System Morpheme (SM) constraints. The Pashto-English bilingual data empirically support Myers-Scotton Matrix Language Frame Model augmented by 4-M model (1993, 2002, and 2009) and in the entire data not a single counter example has been recorded. The present study supports that Pashto-English bilingual data is asymmetrical in structure where English is the embedded language and Pashto is the Matrix language responsible for the well formedness and morphosyntactic frame. The study reveals that the subject-verb agreement, morpheme order, and the late system morpheme (bridge, outsider) play a crucial role to maintain the morphosyntactic frame of Pashto language. The study validates the Differential Access Hypothesis (Myers-Scotton, 2002, 2006, 2009) that the late system morphemes are triggered at the threshold level in order to uphold the structure. The present study shows compatibility with the stance that code mixing can be studied from the bilingual perspective, not from the monolingual perspective.
List of Tables
Table 2.1 The Scheme of Relationship in Fishman’s (1972) Domain Analyses
Table 2.2: The relationship between code mixing patterns and extra linguistic factors (Muysken, 2000)
Table 3.1 Distribution of the Participants by gender, age, education, and regional background
Table 3.2 Topic, gender, and time.
Table 4.1
Table 4.2
Table 4.3 Strong pronouns (Singular and Plural)
Table: 5.1 English single elements in different constructions of Pashto
Table: 5.2 English Embedded Island in different construction of Pashto
Table 6.1: Muysken’s diagnostic features for the patterns of CM
Table: 7.1 Distribution of the Embedded Lexical items in the BCVs patterns in Pashto-English CM
Table 8.1 Sports
Table 8.2 Measures
Table 8.3 Clothing and Object
Table 8.4 Scientific and Technical Vocabulary
Table 8.5 Transportation
Table 8.6 Educational Terms
Table 8.7 Political and Administrative terms
Table 8.8 Cultural Terms
List of Abbreviations
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
CHAPTER 1
THE STUDY OF CODE MIXING
1.1 Introduction
The term code mixing refers to, ‘‘all cases where lexical items and grammatical features from two languages appear in one sentence” (Muysken, 2000: 1). One of the major issues in the study of code mixing is whether there are syntactic or morphological constraints on code mixing. A number of researchers have proposed different types of constraints on the basis of empirical data from different varieties of code mixing in different languages, e.g. Poplack (1980) on Spanish-English, Sridhar and Sridhar (1980) on Kannada-English, etc. These constraints have been proposed by a number of different researchers, some of which are claimed to be language-universal and applicable to typologically diverse varieties of code mixing, e.g., Matrix Language Frame Model (Myer-Scotton,1993), Equivalence and Free Morpheme constraints (Poplack, 1980) and the Typological approach to code mixing (Muysken, 2000). In recent years, a considerable attention has been paid to the code mixing research from Chomsky’s Principles and Parameters Theory (1981, 1986). Within the Chomskyans’ perspective, Woolford (1983) has researched English-Spanish data for his Generative Model for code mixing, DiSciullo et al., (1986) have developed the Government Constraint Model for code mixing, Belazi et al., (1994) have come up with the Functional Head Constraint Model of code mixing. MacSwan (1999, 2000), working within the boundary of syntactic theory, has developed Model of Minimalist constraints on code mixing.
1.2 The Present Study
The focus of the present study is on the “Morphosyntactic Constraints on Pashto-EnglishCode Mixing”. The driving force for selecting this topic was the question, ‘‘How two languages, asymmetrical in structure and diverse in setting, can produce well-formed sentences’’. This dissertation focuses on the structural aspects of the two languages in contact. A typical example of Pashto-English bilingual sentence is given in the following examples:
1. pa kal -u ke mong [IP [PP da TV pa through ] [NP education ] at village -PL in.OBL 1PL.NOM of TV at through education [V start kar -o]] start do.PRS.PRF -1PL In villages we can start education with the help of TV IP-internal [[PP [NP]] [NP] [V]] a. PP-internal [P [NP] P A ] b. NP-internal [ N ] c. V-internal [V light verb]
2. che [IP[ PP da de format ] ba sanga [V start kaw -o]] COMP of DEM.PROX format CL.FUT how start do.PRE.IMP-1PL You should say to the dear audience that how we will start this format IP-internal [[PP] [V]] a. PP-internal [P DET N ] b.V-internal [V light verb]
3. Media [IP[NP negative role ] hu [V play kaw -i]] media.NOM negative role indeed play do.PRS.IPFV -3SG Media indeed plays a negative role IP-internal [[NP] [V]] a. NP-internal [AN] b. V-internal [V light verb]
4. che [IP[PP dwa groups ke] mong [V divide kr -o]] COMP two groups in.OBL 1PL.NOM divide do.PRS.PFV -1PL That we have divided in two groups IP-internal [[PP] [V]] a. PP-internal [A N P] b.V-internal [V light verb]
5. [IP[NP yaw dwa dwa team - una ]] [V jor shawi di]] one.M.SG two two team -PL make PST.PRF.3MPL COP.PRS.IPFV.3PL Two teams have been made IP-internal [[NP] V] a.NP-internal [N]
In the light of the previous studies and present data, the study develops the following research questions:
1. What are the different types of morphosyntactic constraints in Pashto-Englishcode mixing?
2. What is the pattern1 of Pashto-Englishcode mixing in Yousafzi dialect of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa?
3. How syntactic categories emerge through Pashto-Englishcode mixing?
4. What is the process of indigenization of English loanwords in Pashto language?
In order to answer the first research question, the study has developed a theoretical frame work based on the Matrix Language Frame Model augmented by the 4-M model of Myers-Scotton (1993a, 2002, and 2009). The research design for the data selection, transcription and data coding is given in chapter (3). The results and discussion in chapter (5) show that Pashto is the language responsible for the morphosyntactic constraints and for the well-formedness of the bilingual sentences.
Based on Muysken’s (2000) framework for the patterns of code mixing, the present Pashto-English bilingual data is analyzed and discussed in chapter (6). It has been found that insertion is the dominant pattern of CM in the Pashto-English bilingual data.
In order to answer research question (3), the Pashto-English bilingual data is analyzed in chapter (7). It has been found that in the bilingual compound verbs, the light verb construction leads to a new verbal category.
In order to analyze and investigate the nature of the loanwords in the Pashto speech community, the study has developed a different strategy as discussed in chapter (8). In chapter (8), the nature of the English loanwords is analyzed and discussed whichreveals that code mixing is used as a device of indigenization.
1.3 Code Mixing in the PashtoCpeech Community of KP
Some researchers have used the term code-switching (CS) and some have used the term code mixing (CM). In this study, the term code mixing is used for the intra-sentential code-switching. CM is a crucial phenomenon among educated bilinguals of the Pashto speech community. It plays a significant role in governing the social interaction of the community. One of the main reasons of Pashto-Englishcode mixing is that English was a language imposed by foreign and colonial masters in many countries. English language has managed to stay not only in formal and official functionsbut it has also indigenized and grown local roots and got the status of a global language. One main reason for this development of global English is the expansion of British colonial power. Another explanation is the emergence of United States as the leading economic power in the 20th century. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, that power of colonialism has remained for centuries. The language of the super power got super status in the world as well as in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. It is the official language of the province and the language of education and commerce. English, no doubt, is an international language. It is spoken, written and taught at all levels of education in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Khan, 2011).
1.4 Types of Bilingualism in KP and its Influence on Code Mixing
Bilingualism is an umbrella term and has been used in different ways. A bilingual society can be drawn on a continuum of linguistic abilities and communicative strategies. At one end of the continuum are the individuals who are monolingual and at the other end are those who have acquired the proficiency in two languages in a naturalistic context in their childhood. Those bilinguals who speak both languages with equal native-like proficiency are considered as theoretical ideals (Weinreich, 1968). There is always a relationship between the use of code mixing and the bilingual proficiency. Along the continuum are those who demonstrate lesser or greater amount of bilingualism. The type of bilingualism in KP is the “Late bilingualism” (Beatens, 1986) where the acquisition is taking place only in English as a Second Language (ESL) classroom and outside the classroom, the dominant language of the speech community is Pashto.
In order to know the nature of code mixing in a society, it is requisite to know the type of bilingualism in that society. If L2 is learnt in an ESL classroom then in such society bilingualism is known as elective bilingualism (Baker,2001). The speech community is not compelled to learn L2, but it depends on their choice. In such a society, L1 always plays the dominant role and is used as the language of communication in the community.
1.5 Social Setting
Pashto language belongs to the Iranian branch of the Indo European language family. It has more than 25 million native speakers in Afghanistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) of Pakistan. Pashto enjoys different status in different places. In Afghanistan, it enjoys an official statusalong with Persian.
In Pakistan, like other indigenous languages, Pashto is not a state language, but it is the dominant language of thePashto speech community, and is mostly spoken in household activities and informal interactions. According to the census of (1998), more than 80% of the population of KP province speaks Pashto as a mother tongue.
According to the official figures collected in the census of 1981, in four divisions (Dera Ismail Khan, Hazara, Malakand and Peshawar), the total number of households were recorded as 1,610,022. Out of the total number,Pashto was spoken in 1,099,620, Hindko in 291,832 and Seraiki in 63,635 households. The other indigenous languages, Chitrali and Gujri, were used in 50,078 households (Census, 1981).
More than 80% of the population speaks Pashto asa mother tongue (Census, 1981). One factor which has really influenced the number ofPashto speakers istheir coming down of the mountainous (Tribal) areawhere economic opportunities are scarce and other facilities of education and health are also lacking. Because of this migration, Pashto has outnumbered all speakers of other languagesin KP.
Pashto was the mother tongue of the majority of the people of KPtill 1984; however it was introduced as a medium of instruction insome selected areas. It was a success in pedagogical terms;but where it was taught, it was not taught efficiently and the number of government schools using it as a medium of instruction remained much less than those using Urdu and English (Rahman, 1996a: 148-150). The reason was that parents were in favor of English as the medium of instruction, as compared to Urdu and Pashto (Rahman, 1995d).
1.6 The Pashto Language as Marker of Identity
Language is studied in relation to the study of ethnic groups and behavior. Language is the chief notion as the mode of ethnic identity. Language is an important indication of ethnic and nationalistic movements because it is a very obvious characteristic of the life of a community and an extremely far-reaching one (B. Mišić Ilić, 2004: 1-15).
In the Pashto speech community,the Pashto language is not considered as just a spoken language. It has been associated with many codes of life in that society. Pashto is not only a language; it is norm, culture, unity, honor and even bravery.According to Rahman (1996a: 148-150), the fundamentals of the Pakhtun (the Pathan) original culture, and the peculiar psychological make-up had evolved by the second millennium AD'(24). These fundamentals, or set of believes, haveassociated the Pashto language withmany social normsthat are summed up as Pakhtunwali; for instance, emphasis on vengeance (badal ), hospitality ( melmastia ), and forgiveness ( nanawati ). One, who is strictly following these social norms, is doing Pashto. By doing Pashto means to observe all those social norms, which are associated with Pakhtunwali. The Pakhtun do not seem to have emphasized their language ‘Pashto’ as compared to the ideal of pakhtunwali as an ethnic identity-marker.
In British India, GhaffarKhan (1969) himself pioneered the trend of emphasizing Pashto as a symbol of Pakhtun identity. Pashto language was seen as a source of solidarity and unity among the Pakhtun; and to promote the Pashto language meant the promotion of Pakhtun society. Pashto was seen as the fundamental ingredient of Pakhtun identity.
One of the most remarkable, and perhaps, unexpected, socio-cultural changes of the modern period, culminating in the late twentieth century, has been the global spread of the English language; a major component of a ‘‘language revolution’’ postulated by Crystal (2004). This worldwide recognition has really influenced the outlook of the people of KP. To compete in the world market,the English language was paved to be a great communicative tool. Such an approach to the English language was a product of colonial and postcolonial history. It has not only influenced the educational system of the world but also their economic activity.
In Pakistan, state-power has always been exercised by the dominant military bureaucratic elite inclined towards the notion of modernization, who chose the English language as an instrument of power and authority. In order to gain status and achieve key posts in the civil services, English was promoted as an indispensable essence of all these achievements. Because of this influence ofthe English language, all the regional languages are restricted to household activities and informal situations; English is exercised at a major level in formal settings.
The role ofPashto in the education system is very small;it isused as the medium of instructionin very few government schools. In KP, now many private English schools have been established where the medium of instruction is either Urdu or English, and the elite and upper class send their children to these schools. In addition to that, many English departments have been established in government universities in order to facilitate Pakhtunpeople with the knowledge of English language. They have realized that Pashto has no place in the world market and they want to be well versed in English.
1.7 Code MixingVS other Contact Phenomena
The term code mixing refers to, “all cases where lexical items and grammatical features from two languages appear in one sentence,” (Muysken, 2000: 1). It is not that easy to distinguishCode mixingfrom other types of contact phenomena. Among researchers, there has always been a debate on the distribution of code mixing at insertion level and borrowing. It is essential at the outset to draw clear distinctions between code mixing and a number of related phenomena.
1. Code mixing and code-switching
2. Code mixing and borrowing
3. Social factors and code-choice
1.8 Code mixing and Code Switching
‘Code mixing’, also called intra-sentential code-switching or intra-sentential code-alternation, refers to the alternate use of two or more languages belowclause level within one social situation (Luke, 1984; Sridhar & Sridhar, 1980; Treffers-Daller, 1994; Chan, 2004; cited in Jamie, 2007: 7). It should not be confused with ‘code-switching’, which refers to the alternate use of two or more languages at or above clause level, although both code mixing and code-switching are products of bilingualism. Furthermore, code mixing should not be confused with ‘lexical borrowing’, which refers to the adaptation of lexical items from a foreign language to one’s native language, and these borrowed lexical items are usually pronounced and used grammatically as if they were part of the native language.
The distinction between code-switching and code mixing is one of the most puzzling terminological problems in the study of code-alternation. Some scholars find it necessary to draw a distinction between the two because of their syntactic differences. Others, however,prefer to use ‘code-switching’, ‘mixing', or ‘code-alternation’ as an umbrella term for both types of code-alternation discussed above (e.g., Gumperz, 1982b; Grosjean, 1982; Lederberg & Morales, 1985; Clyne, 1991; Bhatia, 1992; Li, 2000 cited in Jamie, 2007: 8). Clyne (1991) argues that code switching and code mixing refer to the same phenomenon in which, ‘the speaker stops using language A and employs language B’, (p.161). A slightly different line of argument is developed by Romaine (1989) who regards code switching phenomenon as a continuum on which both inter-sentential and intra-sentential code-alternation exists. Other researchers, (Kachru, 1983; Singh, 1985; Sridhar & Sridhar, 1980), however, reserve the term code-switching for inter-sentential switches only, and instead prefer to use code mixing for intra-sentential switching.
1.9 Code mixing and Borrowing
Another problem in this study lies in the delicate distinction between Code mixing and lexical borrowing. For instance, Lau (1999) defines lexical borrowing as the adaptation of lexical items from a donor language into a recipient language. This definition of lexical borrowing is parallel to Sridhar & Sridhar’s (1980) definition of code mixing which suggests that code mixing refers to the transition from using linguistic units, such as words and phrases of one language to using those of another within a single utterance. According to these two views, when a word is ‘imported’ from one language to another language it is almost impossible to tell whether a word is a switch or a loanword. It is a difficult task to distinguish between code mixing and lexical borrowing.Treffers-Daller (1994) suggests that code mixing and lexical borrowing should be treated as fundamentally the same. In her study (1994), she uses the term ‘borrowing’ for all kinds of single-word switches, while longer switches below clause level are termedcode mixing.
However, some other researchers have insisted on maintaining a distinction between code mixing and borrowing. Sridhar & Sridhar, (1980) outline four criteria for the differentiation between code mixing and lexical borrowing: 1)loan items are often adopted when there are no equivalents in the host language, while mixed items are used even when equivalents can be found in the host language; 2) the mixed items are usually longer than single words, while loan items are not; 3) loan items are used by all speakers in the speech community, including both bilingual and monolingual speakers, while mixed items are only limited to bilingual speakers; 4) loan items have been nativized into the host language by phonological and morphosyntactic processes, while mixed items are not assimilated into the host language. Myers-Scotton (1993) suggests that borrowing only occurs in monolingual speech, while code mixing is necessarily a product of bilingualism. Li (1996) pointed out that loan items are items of foreign origins, which have become a part of the repertoire of the monolingual speech community by integration into the phonology and morphosyntax of the host language.
1.10 Social Factors and Code choice in a Bilingual Speech Community
A speaker who speaks more than one language is called bilingual. Acommunity, which has more than one language, is called a bilingual speech community. In the last three decades, researchers have been interested in how bi/multilingual speakers switch between two or more languages or mix languages together in their daily lives. In monolingual speech communities, sociolinguists study speech variation in relation to various social factors including setting, speech style, age, gender, education, etc. This approach towards language use has been proved fruitful. It has been found that different social aspects work together to shape the social identities of individuals, thereforeit affects their use of language.
Like monolingual speech variation, bi/multilingual code choice is also affected by various social factors. This has led many researchers to consider bi/multilingual language variation as parallel to monolingual speech variation. As Coupland (1985) points out, that the difference between monolingual and bilingual behavior lies only in the choice of linguistic symbols for socially equivalent processes.
Fishman (1972) suggests that language or code choice in bilingual speech communities can be analyzed within the domain or the social context of the speech. The domain of a language use is determined by three contextual factors: the relationship of the speakers engaged in the talk, the setting where the talk takes place, and the topic being talked about (Fishman, 1971; Hymes, 1977; Ervin-Tripp, 1964). Fishman (1972) has claimed that stable bilingual speech communities have their own patterns of how different languages fall into different domains.
This claim is supported by Gibbon's (1987) findings in his study on the code choices of a group of university students in Hong Kong. He found that the use of pure Cantonese, MIX (Cantonese-English code-mix), pure English, etc. is each associated with a specific domain. For example, pure Cantonese is usually used in family domain among family members,while MIX is usually used by university students to discuss school life. However, Fishman’s model has been criticized for being too general as it assumes that bilingual code choices simply reflect regular patterns. The code choice is used to facilitate the complexity of the bilingual interaction (Holmes,1992).
In fact, code choices of individual speakers may vary according to more specific social factors other than domain of language use. Myers-Scotton (1993) argues that speakers’ social identities and relationships play a major role in affecting their code choices. In her review of data collected in Nigeria and Kenya in the 1970s, it was found that most urban Kenyans use their mother tongue to communicate with other speakers from their own ethnic group, while Swahili, the indigenous lingua franca, and English, the alien official language, are used to communicate with speakers from other ethnic groups. Also, it was found that the use of English is higher among speakers with secondary education or higher than among speakers of lower educational level. It can be seen that each of these languages serves as an identity marker for a specific social category. Speakers may choose to use a particular language or code as a signal of group membership and shared ethnicity with one another. The mother tongue, for instance, symbolizes the ethnic identity shared by people from the same ethnic background, while English symbolizes good education and is only among people of a certain educational level.
In addition, code choice can serve as a strategy for self-representation. As mentioned previously, different codes in bi/multilingual speech communities may carry different symbolic values or meanings and the use of a code enables speakers to assert their group membership in a particular social group. This symbolic power of language is sometimes used by the speakers as part of a verbal strategy in order to achievea certain social status or identity. Gal’s (1978) study on language shift in a Hungarian speaking village in Austria showed that young women in the village lead in the shift from Hungarian to German because they want to dissociate themselves from the traditional peasant way of life and want to adopt the modern urban lifestyle by marrying German speaking workers. The use of German language by these women is a verbal strategy to reject their peasant identity and to achieve their desirable identity as a worker’s wife.
1.11 Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is organized as follows:
Chapter two contains a detailed description of previous works on code mixing. This chapter is divided into three parts, where each part represents a specific approach to the study of code mixing. The first part of the chapter is about the most dominant work under the sociolinguistic approach, the second part is about the structural approach, and the third part is about the work instantiated by the generative framework in the study of code mixing.
Chapter three is all about the theoretical framework based on Myers-Scotton’s (1993, 2000, and 2002) Matrix Language Frame model augmented by the 4-M model. This chapter is a detailed research design forthe sample, data collection, transcription of data and data coding for the proposed four research questions.
This chapter is an outline of the salient features of the Pashto grammar. Here the purpose is not to explore the syntax of Pashto language but to give a reasonable introduction to the topics so that it might be helpful in understanding the present study.
Chapter five deals with the core research question of the current study. The Pashto-English CM transcribed data is put to the test and the result includes both qualitative and quantitative methods to investigate the morphosyntactic constraints on the Pashto-English CM in light of the ML Frame model augmented with 4-M model (Myers-Scotton, 1993, 2002, 2009).
Chapter six is about the structure analysis and discussion for the second research question based on Muysken’s (2000) theoretical framework. In order to establish a pattern of CM, the study follows the diagnostic features proposed by Muysken (2000).
Chapter seven presents an analysis of the Pashto-English transcribed data for the light verb construction in the bilingual compound verbs. The major focus in this chapter is to show that dominant pattern of the BCVs is the conjugation of the light verbs kaw ‘do’, or ‘make’, keg ‘become’, which carries the aspectual and agreement markers and the left-most alien lexical element which contributes the core semantic content of the construction.
Chapter eight focuses on the process of indigenization and the nature of the English loanwords used in the Pashto language. In order to address this question, different data and samples have been used. The approach to analyze the data is based on Penzel (1961).
Chapter nine contains some discussion and concluding remarks on the findings of the study.
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
The phenomenon of language contact has given birth to various phenomena, which include interference, borrowing, convergence, pidginization and code-switching. The alternative use of two languages by bilinguals has evoked the interest of many linguists and the bilingual data has been studied from a variety of perspectives. The focus of this chapter is to discuss the previous proposed theories and models in the study of code-switching. The study of code-switching can be divided into three broad fields; sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics and grammatical constraints. In the first part of this chapter, different theories regarding code-switching are discussed from a sociolinguistic perspective, and the second part (2.5) discusses code-switching from a structural perspective.
Language contact phenomena and language alternation have steered the work of many researchers to the study of code-switching in multilingual settings. The phenomenon of code-switching has been investigated from different perspectives such as grammatical and social dimension. A lot of work has been done on the basis of grammatical constraints on code switching, some of which is going to be reviewed in the second part of this chapter under the structural dimensions of code switching.
2.2 Sociolinguistic Dimensions of Code Switching
In this perspective, over the last century, linguists have geared their research closer to the field of social inquiry. They broadened their research to the sphere of human behavior. In 1929, Edward Sapir urged linguists to move beyond diachronic and formal analyses for their own sake and to “become aware of what their science may mean for the interpretation of human conduct in general” (P. 207.﴿ He suggested that the findings of linguistic research should enrich anthropology, psychology, philosophy, sociology and social sciences (Sapir,1929). He further suggested that language should be studied within its broader social setting.
It is peculiarly important that linguists, who are often accused, and accused justly, of failure to look beyond the pretty patterns of their subject matter, should become aware of what their science may mean for the interpretation of human conduct in general. Whether they like it or not, they must become increasingly concerned with the many anthropological, sociological, and psychological problems which invade the field of language.
(Sapir, 1929, p.214)
Subsequent linguists have also worked on the socially engaged linguistics. With the development of sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics for some linguists, social interaction and human cognition were as important as the form and structure itself.
Chomsky (1957) came with his linguistic theory that was primarily concerned with an ideal speaker-listener in a perfectly homogeneous speech community. His theory was a real deviation from the notion of socially engaged linguistics. In response to Chomsky’s linguistic theory, American Anthropologist Hymes (1964) put forward his own theory about communicative competence. He stressed upon socially integrated linguistic approaches to the study of language. He and other researchers also stressed that linguistics should not be studied in isolation. According to Labov’s (1966) definition of speech community, language is a norm and should be studied in relation with social setting. Language is not an isolated entity; it is the result of perception and attitude of the speech community.
In the 20th century, researchers and scholars have followed the footprints of pioneers in the study of language imbibed in culture and society. Bucholtz and Hall (2005) also integrated their work on language and identity as what they call sociocultural linguistics. This field of Sociocultural linguistics is suggested as a broader term, to include all other sciences e.g., sociology, anthropology, social psychology and sociolinguistics, etc.
2.2.1 The Emergence of Code Switching
The history of code-switching research is as old as the study of language contact. In research on language contact phenomenon, most of the research work revolves around code choices. All those who have worked on bilingual or multilingual speech community have their share in the research of code-switching. They all tried to find out the results and causes of such contacts.
Barker (1947) is the earliest study in linguistic anthropology to deal with the issues of language choices and code-switching. He has been studying language use among Mexican-Americans in Tucson, Arizona. He has been investigating the influence of economic relations, social network, and social geography on language use in Tucson.He tries to answer the question as tohow bilinguals are using their mother tongue on one occasion and English as L2 on the other; and that on certain occasions bilinguals will rotate, from one language to another,without apparent cause (Barker,1947:185-86). He has also distinguishedinteractions in formal and informal settingsamong family members and friends. The informal interactions among family members and friends are mostly conducted in Spanish, and formal interactionsbetween Anglo-Americansare likely taking place in English. Whenever the situation is mixed and not defined,the occurrence of code choice is also not fixed and elements from each (two) language can occur. He proposes that younger people are more enthusiastic in using multiple varieties and in doing so they show multiple identities in Tucson.
Weinerich’s (1953) language in contact has provided a base for code-switching research in the field of linguistics. He has focused in his work on the effect of language contact on languages. He has criticized the work of Barker (1947) and argued that Barker’s taxonomy is not sufficient to describe all potential organization of bilingual speech events. He suggested that language contact should be studied in the light of a structuralist approach,in collaboration with an anthropological approach, in order to describe the practice of bilingual speech and the language acquisition that takes place in bilingual speech communities. He has suggested that bilingual speakers have two different varieties which they use on separate occasions.
“Why do bilinguals switch languages” is the nucleus of sociolinguistic studies of code-switching. In order to answer this question, studies have been conducted from two perspectives: the macro-level and the micro-level2. At the macro-level, the language choice at community level is explored. At this level, the researchers separate the language function in different situations. In this regard, Ferguson (1959) has introduced the notion of ‘Diglossia’ where two different high (H) and low (L) varieties of the same language have been introduced with different social functions. The function of the H variety has been associated with the formal social setting, e.g., official work, school, and business, etc; the function of the L variety, on the other hand, is associated with informal situations, like home, family, friends, and local social settings, etc. Ferguson has limited Diglossia to varieties of the same language.
2.2.2 The Contribution of Fishman’s Model
Fishman (1967) has developed Ferguson’s concept and introduces the frame work of domain analyses. In his work, language choices are constrained by ‘domains’ consisting of topics, interlocutors, and settings. In this work, he tries to contribute to the notion of ‘who speaks what language to whom and when’. In Fishman’s (1965, 1972) macro-level approach, he is primarily concerned with stable norms of choices and habitual use of language, and the types of activity. The following is a brief review of his work and his contribution to the field of code-choices.
Fishman (1965) shows the relationship of language use in association with its social settings. In multilingual communities, multiple settings are at work e.g., formal, informal, local and official, etc. Fishman has associated different switching with different settings. Therefore, an individual must have control of the mother tongue as well as other various language varieties constituting the speech community’s linguistic repertoire so that the members of many networks could communicate with each other easily in any of the available codes or sub codes (Gumperz, 1962). The language within a community changes according to the social networks.
He has also explained the role of topic in conversations. If two individuals speak in language x and never switch to language y, it is only because the topic has no relation with language y.It means language or code-choices are also topic oriented. He shows the relationship of certain codes with certain topics.
In his pioneer studies on the concept of language behavior, Schmidt-Rohr (1932) seems to have established the overall status of language choices in various domains of behavior. In pre-World War II multilingual settings, German and non German speakers were in language contact. Schmidt-Rohr has recommended the following nine domains: the family, the play ground and street, the school, the church, literature, the press, the military, the courts and the governmental administration.
Fishman (1965) has defined domain regardless of its numbers in terms of institutional contexts or socio-ecological co-occurrences. They attempt to assign the major clusters of interaction situations that occur in particular multilingual settings. Domain helps us to understand the language choice and topic; it may be used as a tool for the analysis of linguistic behavior of interlocutors in facetoface interaction, which is related to the widespread socio-cultural norms. To find out the true definition of domains of language behavior, it is requisite to investigate the considerable insight into the socio-cultural dynamics of particular multilingual speech communities.
In short, the macro-level approach to language choices developed in Fishman (1965, 1972) focuses on the correlation between code choices and type of activity.
The correlation between code choices and type of activity is shown in table 2.1
Table 2.1 The Scheme of Relationship in Fishman’s (1972) Domain Analyses
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
Here the frequent quoted example of Fishman (1971) is English/Spanish CS between a boss and his secretary, both having the same Puerto Rican origin. The boss makes exclusive use of English, as he dictates a letter to his secretary but then switches to Spanish for an informal conversation with her about the addressee. Here, it is evident that the social meaning lies in the correlation between the type of activity and code-choice, not within the code-choice.This claim of correlation between activity and code-choices is also supported by Gibbon’s (1987) findings as discussed in (1.10).
Fishman’s (1965) model has been criticized for being too general and does not tell anything about the individual verbal repertoire. It is only limited to situational switching and sheds no light on the switching taking place in face to face interaction. The focus of most of the previous research lies not on interaction but on code choices taking place in different situations.
This tension between macro and micro-level in the study of language contact has aroused much fuss in the world of sociolinguistics. Much has been written about the social aspect of code-choice. The work of Blom and Gumperz (1972) is of great influence in code-switching research. Following is the brief review of Blom and Gumperz’s (1972) contribution to the study of code-switching research.
2.2.3 Situational and Metaphorical Mwitching in Blom and Gumperz (1972)
Gumperz has done extensive work in the field of code-switching and contextualization in the field of sociolinguistics, linguistics, anthropology and the sociology of language. Gumperz’s (1958) earliest work on different dialects and their function in social settings in India is of great influence. There he found three levels – village dialects, regional dialects, and standard Hindi, each of which is associated with different social functions.
The inspiration and source of his idea, that linguistic form is affected by setting and participants as well as topic, is taken from Ervin-Tripp (1964). In her study, she finds that correlations exist between language choices and discourse content. Gumperz (1964b) for the first time in code-switching history placed his focus on individual verbal repertoire. Studying in Hemnesberget in Northern Norway, the verbal behavior in multiple social settings, hefound two distinct dialects, Bokmal and local Ranamal. Like Diglossia, the function of the two dialects, Bokmal and Ranamal, varies according to the social settings. The use of the local dialect Ranamal was too frequent in local settings, like interaction between neighbors and family members, etc. The use of the standard dialect was associated with the communication across “ritual barriers” (P.148)-barriers of cast, class, in school settings, and official work. On the basis of these various functions of the two dialects, Gumperz (1964b) came to the conclusion that verbal repertoire is definable in social as well as linguistic terms. He finds out that how different participants, settings, and topics influence the choice in verbal repertoire.
Later on in 1972, Blom and Gumperz revitalized their study on the function of the two different dialects, Bokmal and Ranamal, in Hemnesberget. In their revised study, they described Bokmal and Ranamal as distinct codes. They also found out that there exists a slight but extensive difference in the phonological, morphological and lexical categories in the two codes. They argued that the linguistic separation between dialect and standard is conditioned by social factors. That is why each variety has somewhat distinct social functions.
Blom and Gumperz (1972), in their studies, have identified that the use of linguistic variables are constrained by the terms: participants, setting, and topic. Some of the linguistic variables are more appropriate in certain social situations. Looking at the nature of the language use in different situations, they devise a different approach recognizing the two different switchinges, “situational switching”, and, “metaphorical switching”.
2.2.4 Situational and Metaphorical Switching
Most of the time, the same participants mayinvolve in different social events with shifts indifferent topic. As Gumperz (1972) has cited an example of classroom situation in a school, a teacher deliver his lecture in the standard Bokmal; but when the discussion sessionstart the shift to the regional Ranamal is taking place. Now it is evident that the participants are the same, but the social event has changed from lecture to discussion. In Bloom and Gumperz (1972) the situational switching (P. 424)is taking place when in the same event the linguistic form is changed due to the change in the social setting. Situational switching is associated with the formal settings. It occurs when participants redefine each other’s rights and obligations.
Metaphorical switching is topic oriented. In this type of switching, the social setting and participants remain the same but the linguistic form changes when the topic changes. Blom and Gumperz (1972)have noted that in the community administration office, the interaction between a clerk and residents is taking place in two distinct dialects; while greeting istaking place in the local dialect, but business dealing is in standard dialect.
In neither of these cases is there any significant change indefinition of participants’ mutual rights and obligations…thechoice of either (R} or (B}…generates meanings we will use the term metaphorical switching for this phenomenon.
(Blom and Gumperz, 1972, p.425)
The notions of situational switching and metaphorical switching have been criticized by Maehlum (1996). She has been critical on their suggestion that Bokmal and Ranamal comprise of separate codes. She argues that the two dialects, local and standard, are not as different as Blom and Gumperz (1972) have suggested. She also suggests that the two dialects are not different codes but “idealized entities” and working as norms.
2.2.4.1 Gumperz’s 1982 Conversational Code Switching
In subsequent research, Gumperz has realized that it is hard to describe switching, either situational or metaphorical. In his 1982 research, he has used a new terminology for situational and metaphorical code-switching, which he has named conversational code-switching. He has confessed that it is difficult for an analyst to identify the language choices as situational or metaphorical. He also relates that even native speakers do not have any such intuitions about switching.
This study is based on interaction taking place among interlocutors and defining the social meanings as product of individual interactions. It is for the first time that the focus of the study in language contact phenomenon has changed from situation and social settings to face to face interaction of individuals. Gumperz (1982) argued that close analysis of brief spoken exchanges is necessary to identify and describe the function of code-switching. He has analyzed several speech communities, and he came to the conclusion that there are six code-switching functions which are taking place during social situations. The suggested six code switching functions, which are similar to the contextualization cues, are: quotation marking, addressee specification, interjection, reiteration, message qualification, and “personalization versus objectivization”. Like contextualization cues, which have been defined as “any feature of linguistic form that contributed to the signaling of contextual presupposition” (Gumperz, 1982: 131), language alternation may also provide a means for speakers to signal how utterances are to be interpreted.
2.2.5 Myers-Scotton’s Markedness Model
In (1993b, 1993c), Myers-Scotton tried to incorporate the micro and the macro perspectives into code-switching research.In 1993, she described her Markedness model in a research conducted on Swahili/English code-switching in Kenya. She argued in 1987 that the code-choice embodies the norms of the society at large. She has also suggested that for understanding of code choices, shared knowledge about the code is also requisite. Each language in a society is associated with a particular social role (Myers-Scotton, 1993). When the participants are using certain codes, they not only show their understanding of the current situation but also the assigned role of the codes in a particular context. If they fail to understand the social meanings of the available codes, then certainly there will be a failure in communication.
Taking into consideration the switching phenomena and the particular social role which Myers-Scotton (1993) calls rights-and-obligations, she proposed a negotiation principle and three maxims. The negotiation principle, modeled on Grice’s (1975) perspective principles,is:
Choose the form of your conversational contribution such that itindexes theset of rights and obligations which you wish to be in force between the speakers and addressee for the current exchange.
(Myers-Scotton, 1993: 113)
Following are the proposed three maxims:
1. The unmarked choice maxim directs,
“Make your choice the unmarked index of the unmarked RO set in talk exchanges when you wish to establish or affirm the RO set” (p. 114).
The first maxim is akin to Fishman’s (1971) examples of boss-secretary interaction,where he has shown that the social meaning lies in the correlation between the type of activity and code-choice, not within the act of code-switching.
2. The marked choice maxim directs
“Make a marked code choice …when you wish to establish a new RO set as unmarked for the current exchange” (p. 131).
The marked choice maxim applies when the speakers are increasing social distance or producing an aesthetic effect.
3. The exploratory choice maxim directs
“When an unmarked choice is not clear, use CS (code-switching) to make alternate exploratory choices as candidates for an unmarked choice and thereby as an index of an RO set which you favor” (p. 142).
The exploratory choice applies where, for example, there is a clash of norms and role relationships, as in the case of a conversation between a brother and a sister at the brother’s office where he is tackling her as a customer in some business affair. The sister is talking to her brother in the mother tongue which shows solidarity (as family members), on the other hand, the brother is speaking Swahili, the national lingua franca, to let his sister know that she is being treated as a customer (Myers-Scotton, 1993b:144-145).
Myers-Scotton has been criticized for relying too much on external knowledge in a conversation, that speakers have no role of their own. Blommaert (1994) argues that the Markedness model has limited the role of speakers and made them followers of an already existing social role. Auer (1998) argues that it is possible to investigate the code-switching behavior without looking to the “conversational-external knowledge about language use” required for the Markedness model.
2.2.6 Conversation Analysis of Code Switching Data
Auer’s (1984) sequential approach has steered the subsequent research to code-switching on a conversational dimension. A number of studies have been conducted on the phenomena of code-switching in the language of turn and sequence and the ways that language alternations tell more about the contextual knowledge relevant to an ongoing discourse. In 1984, Auer conducted a study on Bilingual Conversation, investigating the speech community where his focus lies on code-switching at interaction level. It is a pioneer work in the study of code-switching at the micro-level, telling more about the participant codes they use in their face-to-face interactions. He opposed Gumperz’s (1982) approach that social meanings can be found only in context and situation. Auer argued that Gumperz’s (1982) approach to situation is problematic because it relies too much on external knowledge.
Auer (1986) argues that situation is created by talk in interaction and that there is no such pre-existing code where the speakers pick and drop the codes in accordance with the need. It is the speaker who controls the situation with the help of his/her utterances. The meaning does not lie in the social situation but negotiation itself has the social meanings. It means that the interlocutors depend not only on their verbal repertoire but also on their communicative competence. In his research on Italian migrant children in Germany, he did not find any such correlation between topic and language use.
Stroud (1998) has criticized Auer’s (1986) approach to code-switching on the basis of not relying on external social knowledge. Stroud (1998) suggests that without understanding the social phenomena, no analyst can understand the conversational code-switching. To understand a discourse in full the societal factors should be taken into consideration.
2.2.7 Susan Gal’s (1979) Research on German and Hungarian languages
Gal (1979) has conducted a research on the process of language shift in Oberwart, a town in eastern Austria. It was an agricultural village where the majority residents were Hungarian speakers who were also bilingual in the German language. The bilingual Hungarian hasused the German language in a wider social context, while the Hungarian language is associated with the local settings.
She found that switching is used as habitual use of the two languages loaded with social meanings. In the community, she noticed that German language switching may give extra force to the interaction and can also be used to end the argument. She has quoted an example from her own studies. She argues that arguments revolve round a clash of values symbolized by the two languages. In the example, it has been showed that a mother was angry withher daughter for her misbehavior and laziness. When the mother slapped her, she started crying. In order to save the girl from more punishment, the grandfather started arguing with the mother. Both were using the local Hungarian language during the argumentation, but the mother started speaking German to justify her choice of methods. Gal (1979) argues that here it is the different role that has been assigned to the two languages in the community. Speaking German, the mother ends the argument.
Gal (1979 ) points out different functions that have been associated with the German language in society. It shows the knowledge, modernity and expertise on the part of its speaker. She suggests that the meaning of the switches need to be interpreted in context. She found a relationship between language choice and social network. Some languages are used habitually in some social networks.
2.2.8 Code-choice and the Influence of Social Factors
In the above review, code-switching has been shown as carrying social meanings in it. In various multilingual societies, each language is assigned with a certain role and distinct identities. Code-switching is used as a communicative strategy in many contexts and social situations. Sociolinguistic analysis of language choice in different social situations is based on Fishman’s (1962) notion of “who uses what language with whom and for what purpose”. Code-choice/language choice is always influenced by social factors. Languages also carry certain social values on the part of a speaker in different social situations or contexts. The analyst then analyzes the social interaction and sees how a speaker uses different varieties, or code-switching, as a communicative strategy.
In her studies, Myers-Scotton (1993) has found that the language choice is influenced by the speakers’ social backgrounds and the type of interaction in which they engage. She states that the mother tongue is used to maintain ethnic identity and to gain help from other members of the group. English is used as a prestigious language and is often spoken at homes to help the children in their better schooling. In Nairobi, speakers use a mix pattern of Swahili and English, which shows their education. Language choices are also associated with education and authority. In the case of English/Swahili in Kenya, English is an official language associated with high social status, and Swahili is used in the local context.
Gal (1979) has found that the two languages, German and Hungarian, have been used for different social roles. The Hungarian language is a low status variety which is associated with traditional aspects, and the German language, as high variety,is associated with modernity and economic success. She found too much association of the two languages with age. People with old age used Hungarian in a wider range of context. She found a great influence of interlocutors on the choice of the two languages.
2.2.9 Code MixingEvidence in Code Switching Research
It has been discussed that switching at intra-sentential level is known as code mixing, and inter-sentential level is known as code-switching. In previous researches,the patterns of code mixingcan be found under the study of code switching. Gibbon’s (1987) research on the correlation between activity and code switching of a group of university students in Hong Kong is about the intra-sentential level of code switching.
The work under the intra-sentential switching can be traced in the research work of Poplack (1981), Sankoff and Poplack (1981). They suggested two major constraints in code-switching; the equivalence constraint and the free morpheme constraint. In Muysken’s (2000) typological approach to code mixing, the approach of Poplack to code-switching has been discussed under code mixing phenomena.
Code-switching well tend to occur at points in discourse where juxtaposition of L1 and L2 elements does not violate a syntactic rule of either language
(Poplack, 1980, p. 586)
Muysken (2000) has described three levels of code mixing in the light of previous works of Poplack (1981) and Myers-Scotton (1993b).
In Muysken (2000), the Matrix Language Frame model has been discussed as a source code mixing pattern at insertion level. In the previous works of Poplack (1980) and Myers-Scotton (1993b),intra-sentential switching was studied under the umbrella term code-switching.
2.2.10 Empirical Research in Code Mixing: linguistic Form and Socio-cultural Meanings
Ho (2007) has conducted a research on code-choice and code mixing in Hong Kong. The aim of the study was to investigate the role of code mixing pattern in different situations and settings. The focus of the research is to examine the linguistic form of Cantonese-English mix and explore its socio-cultural meanings. The participants consisted of 52 students in Hong Kong. The data was collected with the help of different instruments. The details regarding the interlocutor’s role, education, age, sex, ethnic and linguistic background, was required. Eighteen hours of recording covering a wide range of situations, topics and interlocutors were selected and studied in detail.
The focus of this research work is only on lexical and grammatical code mixing. The collected data was examined in order to know the nature of code mixing; the English elements in the Cantonese language as matrix language have been categorized according to the level of grammatical constituency.
In this research, the focus lies on the English code mixing elements in the Cantonese system. Specifically,code mixing which has taken place in Hong Kong is based on Myers-Scotton’s (1993) Matrix Language Frame model. In Myers-Scotton model (1993), one language is working as embedding language, and the other is working as Matrix, or base language. In the Matrix Language Frame model, the morphosyntactic structure is provided by the base, or Matrix language. In such mixing, most of the functional elements are provided by the base language.
In Ho (2007), the collected code mixing datalargely consists of lexical words. Most of the lexical items are content words rather than functional words (Gibbons, 1987). For such code mixing patterns, Pennington (1998b: 9) has used the term “lexical bilingualism”. Most of the participants used code mixing as a type of communicative strategy carrying different social meanings in it. The use of code mixing items also determines a sort of multiple identities.
The code mixing pattern is constrained by the type of participants because sometimes it really entails a risk of alienation in intra-ethnic communication. It has been proved that the code mixing pattern is not spontaneous; it is constrained by conscious effort when the interlocutors’ educational level is lower than theirs, and especially in informal situations, with friends and family domain. The logic given is that English is regarded as a prestigious language in the community; on the other hand,the Chinese in Hong Kong observed great sanction on English use among themselves. Chinese students do not wish to be called show-off’s, or snobbish, and they avoid speaking English in the Chinese Hong Kong community. A typical reflection of such attitude to English code mixing is apparent in the following lines:
Compared to my colleagues, I use lesser English when communicating with my friends, because not all of them are university students. Since we have different backgrounds, I don’t want to act like I am showing off because I am highly educated than they are.Therefore I use Cantonese most of the time.
(Ho, 2007, p. 5)
[...]
1 Muysken (2000) has developed typological approach to code mixing at intra-sentential level. He suggests that there are three main code mixing patterns which may be found in bilingual speech community, i.e., Insertion, Alternation and Congruent lexicalization. The pattern has been discussed in literature review.
2 Gibbons (1987) recognized the need for a comprehensive model which takes into account not only macro-level societal factors but also micro-level situational and attitudinal ones.
-
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X. -
Upload your own papers! Earn money and win an iPhone X.