How have Evangelicals viewed European integration during the seven decades of its unfolding development? What factors have informed these perspectives? Are Evangelicals guilty of ‘taking no part, forming no opinion, looking on and doing nothing’ concerning the unprecedented project of European integration initiated after World War Two to establish and sustain peace and well-being among the European peoples?
These questions define the first level of inquiry of this research project, which reveals a clear absence of evangelical engagement with European integration, especially when compared with Roman Catholic and mainstream Protestant perspectives. The inquiry then examines the reasons for this absence before broadening to consider evangelical engagement in the socio-political life-spheres generally in Europe today. It also investigates what training programmes are available for the equipping of Evangelicals for socio-political reflection and engagement in general, and for European-level engagement specifically. In the recommendations section, steps are proposed to identify the necessary foundations for a European, evangelical, missional, public theology, enabling critical missional reflection and engagement of both the European integration project itself and socio-political issues at every level of society.
Our contention is that public theology – applying God’s Word to public life – has been a neglected field among Evangelicals, despite being a centuries-old tradition.
Today democracy, the rule of law, freedom of speech and community values are under threat from inside and outside the European Union by, on the one hand, resurgent totalitarianism, populism and nationalism, and on the other, a radical individualism celebrating diversity and freedom at the cost of social cohesion. Yet a long-standing tradition of non-engagement and a fatalistic eschatological vision, among other factors, have neutralised much of the evangelical world from effective engagement with such issues.
This paper exposes major blind spots in evangelical thinking, a well-meaning ignorance undermining Christian responsibility in the socio-political spheres, and a general lack of vision reflected in the paucity of evangelical public theology programmes equipping workers for effective socio-political engagement. While there are scattered signs of hope, initiatives beyond those focussed on the local level are rare, if not non-existent.
CONTENTS
1 INTRODUCTION:
LOOKING ONAND DOING NOTHING?
2 .THE BROADER CONTEXT:
JOINING GOD IN THE PUBLICSOUARE.
3 .LITERATURE REVIEW:
GAPSONTHESHELF?
4 .METHODOLOGY:
FINDING THE CATEGORIES.
5 .RESEARCH FINDINGS:
FACING REALITIES.
6 . RECOMMENDATIONS:
RECOVERINGA LEGACY.
7 . CONCLUSIONS:
BACK TO THE BIBLE.
8 . BIBLIOGRAPHY & APPENDICES:
I. INTRODUCTION: LOOKING ONAND DOING NOTHING?
'Let not any one pacify his conscience by the delusion that he can do no harm if he takes no part, and forms no opinion. Bad men need nothing more to compass their ends, than that good men should look on and do nothing.' - John Stuart Mill, address to the University of St. Andrews, 1867
How have Evangelicals viewed European integration during the seven decades of its unfolding development? What factors have informed these perspectives? Are Evangelicals guilty of 'taking no part, forming no opinion, looking on and doing nothing' concerning the unprecedented project of European integration initiated after World War Two to establish and sustain peace and well-being amongthe European peoples?
These questions define the first level of inquiry of this research project, which reveals a clear absence of evangelical engagement with European integration for half a century after the war, especially when compared with Roman Catholic and mainstream Protestant perspectives. The inquiry then examines the reasons for this absence before broadening to consider evangelical engagement in the socio-political lifespheres generally in Europe today. It also investigates what training programmes are available for the equipping of Evangelicals for socio-political reflection and engagement in general, and for European-level engagement specifically. In the recommendations section, steps are proposed to identify the necessary foundations for a European, evangelical, missional, public theology, enabling critical missional reflection and engagement of both the European integration project itself and socio-political issues at every level of society.
A neglected field?
Our contention is that public theology - applying God's Word to public life - has been a neglected field among Evangelicals, despite being a centuries-old tradition. Championing the socio-political dimensions of the gospel among Evangelicals, John Stott wrote about 'half a century of neglect', referring roughly to the years 1920-70 when evangelicalism was preoccupied with the task of defending the 'historic biblical faith' against the 'social gospel' of theological liberalism. Stott was drafter of the ground-breaking 1974 Lausanne Covenant which affirmed the conviction that God had given us social as well as evangelistic responsibilities in his world. 'Yet the half-century of neglect has put us far behind in this area,' claimed Stott in his watershed publication Issues facing Christians today (2006, p. 9). Stott was keen to correct the affitude that politics was a dirty business Christians should avoid by observing that a Christian 'salt and light' presence was essential in all areas of life broken by sin.
Yet, while government at local and national levels was briefly mentioned in Stott's book, the European level was never addressed. Ironically, none of the four editions touched on Europe or European integration, the very topic that has recently polarised British opinion.
The creation mandate of the opening chapter of Genesis to 'rule in God's name' and 'fill the earth' (Genesis 1:28) was reiterated by Jesus' imperative to his followers to take the good news of God's rule, his kingdom, into all the earth. We argue that the gospel of redemption touches every sphere of life affected by sin - which is every sphere.
Today democracy, the rule of law, freedom of speech and community values are under threat from inside and outside the European Union by, on the one hand, resurgent totalitarianism, populism and nationalism, and on the other, a radical individualism celebrating diversity and freedom at the cost of social cohesion. Yet a long-standing tradition of non-engagement and a fatalistic eschatological vision, among other factors, have neutralised much of the evangelical world from effective engagement with such issues.
Two generations of Europeans who have never experienced the ravages of war easily take for granted the unprecedented seventy-plus years of peace in Europe, as if guaranteed for perpetuity. Few realise the specifically Christian impulse towards forgiveness and reconciliation which made that peace possible in the first place. The erosion of Christian values in a Europe heavily secularised since the founding of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) arguably renders that peace fragile.
This paper exposes major blind spots in evangelical thinking, a well-meaning ignorance undermining Christian responsibility in the socio-political spheres, and a general lack of vision reflected in the paucity of evangelical public theology programmes equipping workers for effective socio-political engagement. While there are scattered signs of hope, initiatives beyond those focussed on the local level are rare, if not non-existent.
Mill's 150-year-old warning needs to be heeded today by the evangelical community in Europe. This paper proposes concrete steps to be taken to encourage 'the forming of opinions and participation', and to avoid the sin of 'looking on and doing nothing'.
II. THE BROADER CONTEXT: JOINING GOD IN THE PUBLICSQUARE
1. Firstly, who are the Evangelicals?
Evangelicals come in many political stripes and colours, and confessional backgrounds: from Catholic to Reformed and Pentecostal. What they have in common, and what helps define them, is their high regard for the authority of scripture as the final authority on matters of life and faith. Yet different interpretations and emphases can lead to different political persuasions: monarchist, republican, capitalist, socialist, liberal and conservative. While the Bible contains political teachings, it does not provide enough by itself for an adequate political theory (Budziszewski, 2006, p. 18-19). There is therefore no one evangelical political position, per se. There is no one central authority to declare official 'orthodoxy' in the evangelical world.
Historian David Bebbington identifies four primary characteristics of evangelicalism (1989, pp.2-17):
1. Conversionism: the belief that lives need to be transformed through a 'born-again' experience and a life long process offollowingJesus;
2. Activism: the presentation ofthe gospel in missionary and social reform efforts;
3. Biblicism: a high regard for and obedience to the Bible as the ultimate authority;
4. Crucicentrism: the sacrifice ofJesus Christ on the cross as making possible human redemption.
We will use the term 'evangelical' to refer to this branch of Christianity, understanding that the word is also applied to the Protestant State Church in Germany, the Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, also popularly called the Lutheran Church, which may or may not share the above characteristics. Also, while not all Reformed believers would identify with the label 'evangelical', many if not most would embrace the above features.
While tendencies towards populism, conspiracy theories and power politics are rejected by most Evangelicals globally as inconsistent with the biblical mandate for brotherly love, justice and reconciliation, widespread support by many prominent American Evangelicals for a pugnacious president infamous for his promotion of 'alternative facts', and for the violent storming of Congress on January 6 this year in an attempt to overthrow election results, have lumbered the term 'evangelical' with negative connotations in the popular imagination.
2. The evangelical mind
Despite the definition above ofan activism embracing social reform, characteristic of the eighteenth century Evangelical Revivals of Wesley and Whitefield, and of William Wilberforce and his evangelical Clapham colleagues, Evangelicals subsequently allowed themselves to be edged to the margins of public life by a dominant liberal-secular mindset.
'Modern Evangelicals simply do not share with their Puritan forebears a love of learning and of this world and its culture,' observed Michael Norton in the 1990s (1994, pp. 26-7), one of many commentators on the 'scandal of the evangelical mind', to use Mark Noll's phrase (1994). Therefore American Evangelicals were unprepared for the dangerous undertaking of culture wars, warned Norton. A generation earlier in Britain, Harry Blamires had opened his classic book The Christian Mind with the sober sentence: 'There is no longer a Christian mind' (1963, p. 3).
While Evangelicals readily declared Christ's lordship over all of life, focus on the individual and a 'personal' relationship with Jesus tended to blur social vision. Budziszewski saw Evangelicals as 'apt to imagine that if only everyone were converted, the public square would take care of itself' (Budziszewski, p. 17). The Evangelical's participation in public affairs tended to be impulsive, Budziszewski contended: 'his (sic) civic muscles are more familiar with the spasm than with the long, steady puli'. Orderly, political reflection was lacking (ibid., p. 18). In Budziszewski's opinion, adequate political theory required knowledge of three things:
i. What politics and government were all about - an orientating doctrine;
ii. How to act and engage in practical terms - a practical doctrine;
iii. How to communicate with and persuade others in terms they understand - a cultural apologetic (ibid., p. 19).
In contrast to the evangelical situation, Catholic Social Teaching of the late nineteenth century did offer such a framework, strongly influencing the fathers of the European movement, Robert Schuman, Konrad Adenaeur and Alcide de Gasperi. The only evangelical equivalent body of thought forthcoming was the work pioneered by the neo-Calvinist Abraham Kuyper and his successors, implemented nationally in the Netherlands but only recently proposed by Sander Luitwieler as applicable for the European political context. 'It is striking that thus far little attention has been paid to the European integration process from a Christian, reformational perspective,' wrote Luitwieler in his reflections on the current and future development ofthe EU (2014, p. 20).
Evangelicals have been singularly absent from constructive engagement in the political rebuilding of post-war Europe. Some have likened such involvement to 'rebuilding the Tower of Babel', 'flirting with the whore of Babylon', and 'cavorting with the Beast' of Revelation. Such teachings, still popular in some circles on both sides ofthe Atlantic, have nurtured populist sentiments among Evangelicals, resulting in Faustian pacts between Evangelicals and authoritarian political movements promising to restore a fading 'Christian heritage'. This study explores the influence and consequences of these affitudes.
3. Evangelicals and the Bible
Given that Evangelicals by definition highly regard the Bible as the ultimate authority, an evangelical public theology would need to be biblically based. Yet while the Bible does contain political teachings, and important general principles about government can be drawn from Scripture, selective quotation and passages taken out of context can lead to intuitions ofthe interpreter being misread as principles. Is it legitimate to assume that God's code for ancient Israel reflects the divine blueprint for all civil law, national or supranational? Can we assume that covenant is God's pattern for all political authority? Are the policies of rulers from Bible times to be followed in contemporary governmental policy?
Paradoxically, evangelical respect for the authority of the Bible may hinder the development of an evangelical public theology. Too often the Bible alone is assumed to provide answers for all spheres of life - an interpretation of ' sola scriptura'. Yet the Bible needs to be recognised for what it is and what it is not. While it is the 'special revelation' of God, it is not the full revelation. God also reveals himself to all humanity through 'general revelation', through nature, conscience or the human heart, as Scripture itself testifies (Ps 19:1-4; Rom 1:19, 20). The pioneers of modern science, overwhelmingly believers, consciously set out to study God's book of words (special revelation) and God's book of works (general revelation). The existence of both general and special revelation leads to four possible approaches to public theology (see Budziszewski, 2006, pp. 30-36):
1. General withoutspecialrevelation - e.g. pagan antiquity, the Enlightenment;
2. Neither general nor special revelation - e.g. secular (post-)modernism;
3. Special without general revelation - e.g. evangelical biblicism;
4. Both generaland special revelation - e.g. natural law tradition.
Abbildung in dieser Leseprobe nicht enthalten
SPECIAL REVELATION
Table 1: The revelation matrix.
While unfamiliar in many evangelical circles today, natural law or general moral revelation was familiar to earlier Christian thinkers from Augustine to Martin Luther and John Calvin (Grabill, 2006, p.
1) . Yet the natural law tradition is a work in progress needing constant adaptation to changing political and social landscapes. Recognition that God's law is written on the human heart is a starting point for a cultural apologetic for communication with those of other persuasions.
4. Joining God in the public square
Missional thinking in recent decades has aimed to transform church-shaped mission into missionshaped church. Recognition of the large sweep of God's mission for the restoration of his purposes for all of creation implies that the mission of the people of God starts with the creation mandate, prior to the Great Commission, calling for responsible engagement in all spheres of society, from politics and international relations to cultures to environment. The early church called itself ekklesia (meaning ' public assembly'), and saw itself as a public society that embodied God's social order for the sake ofthe nations.
Michael Wagenman notes that 'Kuyper believed... the church has a God-given role to play in the civic marketplace of cultural institutions. This role cannot be carried out faithfully if the church retreats into the private sphere and adopts a defensive posture against the world or accepts the sacred- secular dualism and engages in a restricted ministry of only saving souls for heaven Kuyper was convinced that it is through active Christian engagement in culture that the lordship of Christ is displayed to the world' (2019, p.6).
Adapting Alan Roxburgh's phrase 'joining God in the neighbourhood' (2011), the mission of the people of God to 'go into all the world' includes 'joining God in the public square'. Hence we pursue here both the need for and possible contours of an evangelical missional public theology. It will require sketching a theology broader than the traditional evangelical scope focussed on salvation of individuals and church life. It demands a public theology 'for the life of the world' (John 6:51), offering adequate reasons for involvement in the political process, cultural development and the stewardship of the creation, as an alternative to an apocalyptic eschatology with its inherent negative and fatalistic view of the created order.
An evangelical public theology will focus on the mission of God's people to live as critical participants in the public square, in particular concerning which socio-political forms may best promote human flourishing. As Wagenman writes, Kuyper is an early forerunner of what would come to be called 'missional Christianity' and 'missional church' in the mid-twentieth century (2019, p.6).
Kuyper taught that while we recognise the unique calling of the church as God's redemptive community and primary agent for his mission, called to pray, live and work towards God's rule 'on earth as it is in heaven', offering healing and restoration to the world, we also discern the sustaining activity of the Spirit at work in society beyond church walls, God's 'common grace' (2013). Christian engagement in the public square would not usually mean formal church involvement.
Our exploration of evangelical affitudes towards the European project is a particular case of 'joining God in the public square'. We could call it 'joining God in Brussels'.
5. A personal journey
My appointment in 1990 as European leader of Youth With A Mission triggered a personal search for senior evangelical leaders from whom to learn about God's purposes for Europe if any, and what contribution the body of Christ could make towards shaping Europe's future.
Two surprises awaited me. Firstly, few of those I approached had even thought about the subject. If they had, they mainly held negative opinions, primarily shaped by premillennial eschatological views. Secondly, there was a rich vein of biblically-inspired thought on these questions to be explored among Catholic resources - something my evangelical Baptist background predisposed me to view as questionable.
This second discovery included learning about the story of Christian forgiveness and reconciliation which launched the European movement for peace and unity in 1950. This narrative, centred around the devout French politician, Robert Schuman, did not tit the conspiracy theories I had acquired about the European Economic Community (EEC) being 'the Beast'.
To share this last discovery, I initiated the Europa 92 forum for European evangelical leaders in Brussels. This in turn was to lead to the appointment of a socio-political officer of the European Evangelical Alliance in 1993, and, over the following decades, to forums, conferences, congresses and round tables, gathering evangelical leaders to reflect on European issues and the EU itself. Since 2011, the Schuman Centre for European Studies has organised an annual State of Europe Forum in the capital of the country holding the presidency of the EU. This journey ofdiscovery still continues.
These findings also reflected the observation made by Catholic historian Christopher Dawson that 'while Catholics see woods, Protestants see trees' (Dawson, 1952/2009, p. 3). He meant that after the Reformation and the emergence of landeskirchen, Protestant focus became national. To which we can add: 'Evangelicals see branches'. Evangelicals belong to churches mainly independent of landeskirchen , and thus become focussed on the local church and individuals, rather than broader socio-political context.
III. LITERATURE REVIEW: GAPS ON THESHELF?
Before identifying evangelical sources relating to Europe and the European Union itself, we briefly review books on public theology in general, and Roman Catholic and mainstream Protestant perspectives on the European integration project specifically.
1. General overview
a. Missional leadership and public theology:
Missional leadership is concerned with focusing the church outwards towards the surrounding community. The authors of The Missional Leader (Romanuk & Roxburgh, 2006) aim to transform church leaders to engage the surrounding culture missionally. The local neighbourhood and its needs and opportunities displace the local church and its programme as centre of attention. It implies 'joining God in the neighbourhood' (Roxburgh, 2011).
In Missional Map-Making, Roxburgh identitifes eight currents of change: globalisation, pluralism, rapid technological change, postmodernism, staggering global need, loss of confidence in primary structures (governments, schools, courts, churches, hospitals, businesses...), the démocratisation of knowledge and the return to Romanticism (2010, p. 87). Such challenges surely call for a public theology which seeks 'to engage in dialogue with those outside Christian circles on various issues (and urges) Christians to participate in the public domain', as Sebastian Kim writes (2011, p. viii). They represent issues to be engaged as a demonstration that the gospel is still good news for today. Public theology seeks to converse with citizens beyond church circles on issues wider than religious matters. The Church needs to develop a 'public theology' in order to play an appropriate and prophetic role in the wider society, writes Kim, involving the whole Christian community, with theologians as catalysts (2011, p. ix., 15).
Missional thinking is usually focussed on the local level, linked to the local church. While public theology needs also to be earthed locally, its scope embraces the regional, national, continental and global dimensions. Miroslav Volf (2011) sketches a vision of a publically engaged Christian faith in a pluralistic context, concerned with responsible shaping of our common life and common world. Christian theology has lost its way, claims Volf, because it has neglected its purpose, namely the flourishing of human beings and all God's creatures in the presence of God (Volf & Croasmun, 2019). Rowan Williams' parting thoughts as Archbishop of Canterbury (2012) offer a wide-angle 'faith' lens through which to view Europe and many of our world's current challenges.
While 'missional church' thinkers like Roxburgh and Alan Hirsch (2006) rightly call for the release of apostolic, prophetic and evangelistic gifts alongside the standard pastor-teacher model, how those giftings might operate in the public square is beyond their focus. It was however the focus of a Dutch church planter/theologian/journalist/educator/politician more than a century ago who distinguished between the church institute, the body of Christ gathered, and the church organism, 'the body of Christ active in multidimensional vocations in the world' (Strange, Themelios, vol. 40, issue 3). Abraham Kuyper, who fathered public theology before the term was coined, provides a rich treasure house for contemporary application. Most of his 20,000 articles and 200 books could be categorised as public theology, a theology for the general public (Bacote, 2005, p. 46; Snel, 2021; Kuyper, 1931). Lexham Press and Acton Institute have made some of his seminal thinking available to an English-speaking audience for the first time in a twelve-volume series (Kuyper, 2015/2021). Bolt (2001), Bratt (1998), Bacote (2005), Mouw (2011), Koyzis (2019) and Heslam (1998) have also made Kuyper accessible to the modern reader.
Chaplin promotes the idea of 'Christian democratic pluralism' (2021) and a vision of democracy doing justice to all faiths, seeking justice and the common good, foundational for an evangelical missi- onal public theology. A compilation of essays by African authors, African public theology (Agang et al, 2020), suggests how a European compendium on European public theology might look.
Bailor (2016) demonstrates how Evangelicals can learn about public theology from other Christian traditions, combining essays by Pope Leo XIII and Kuyper: the encyclical Rerum Novarum (seminal to Catholic social teaching), and Kuyper's TheSocialQuestion and the Christian Religion.
Oliver and Joan O'Donovan have produced landmark texts retrieving a forgotten tradition of Christian political thought stretching from Paul, Irenaeus and Augustine through the medieval era to the Reformation (1999). Christ, 'the desire of the nations', is the goal of God's redemptive purposes in history (1996). Joan offers critical evaluation of the thinking of Leo XIII, Jacques Maritain and John Paul II, and the concepts of subsidiarity, natural law and the common good (2004, p. 225-45).
b. Roman Catholic and mainstream Protestant sources on Europe and the European Union
Religion, wrote the Catholic historian Christopher Dawson, was the key to history. He understood Europe's cultural and spiritual dimensions as being the core of her origin, identity, character and destiny (1932, 1950, 1952). His description of Europe was echoed in Schuman's vision for a new Europe, cited above: 'Europe is a community of peoples who share in a common spiritual tradition that had its origins three thousand years ago in the Eastern Mediterranean' (1952/2009, p. 21). Dawson presents a picture of a continent as fragmented into competing nation-states, each with their various rival church affiliations: Lutheran, Dutch Reformed, Church of England, etc. Evangelicals, often having found themselves at the margins of societies dominated by Catholic or mainstream Protestant churches, survived by withdrawing into their non-conformist, local church, comfort zones, lacking any grand narrative explaining Europe.
The European integration story is one of Christian forgiveness and reconciliation, in which the devout Catholics Schuman, Adenauer and De Gasperi play key roles. Fellow Catholics Kruitenburg (2012) and Martin de la Torre (2014) chronicle this story from different angles, highlighting spiritual dimensions. Schuman's own short (and only) book, For Europe (1963/2010), expresses his own personal spirituality, the driving force of his career and his vision for a 'community of peoples deeply rooted in basic Christian values'.
In Patriots of peace (Keyserlingk, 1972,) a contemporary journalist gives an eye-witness account of the struggles of Adenauer, Schuman and De Gasperi for post-war peace. The significant role in French-German reconciliation of the Moral Re-Armament Movement and its Lutheran founder, Frank Buchman, is widely recognised (Lean, 1985; Mowat, 1973; Johnston & Sampson, 1994).
Basil Hume's Remaking Europe (1994), meditations addreessed to the Council of European Bishops' Conferences (CCEE), asked a question rarely asked in evangelical circles: 'what role can and should the Church play in the remaking of Europe?' The British cardinal expounded from Bible passages basic concepts of Catholic social teaching such as s olidarity and subsidiarity, which have become part of EU language. Lech Walesa's Polish trade union was not called Solidarnosc (Solidarity) by coincidence. The devout Catholic shipyard electrician was strongly encouraged to stand for freedom and hope based on biblical principles by John Paul II (Walesa, 1987, p. 252). Pope Benedict XVI would later articulate the role of creative minorities in Europe's story (Ratzinger & Pera, 2004, p. 120). Benedict described Europe as a fiower cut off from its roots doomed to wither, having embra- eed a culture of death. Yet creative minorities acting like yeast can bring resurrection (idem. p. 126). Benedict stressed that the founding fathers of European unification considered the Christian heritage to be the nucleus of Europe's historical identity (Ratzinger, 2007).
Dutch Catholic legal scholar and diplomat Alting von Geusau shared Benedict's concern that Schuman's original vision had been engulfed by a nationalism undermining solidarity and the search for the common good (2011). The outgoing president of the European Commission, Jacques Delors, had expressed the same concern in 1992, two decades earlier, to church representatives in Brussels that: 'if in the next ten years, we do not succeed in giving Europe a soul, a spiritual dimension, true significance, the game will be over' (quoted in Luitwieler, 2014, p.14).
Over the seven decades of the European integration project, the Catholic church, Catholic politicians and grassroots Catholics provided a steady support base. The Commission ofthe Bishops' Conferences of the European Union, COMECE, is a body of bishops from EU member states whose secretariat has monitored and analysed developments in EU policies and initiatives since 1980.
In constrast, as researchers Nelsen and Guth reported, 'the national churches in Protestant countries, whether Lutheran or Anglican, exhibited very little enthusiasm for integration in the years after World War II. Indeed, most remained tied closely to their national regimes and were quite suspicious of what they perceived to be a "Catholic project". Although these sentiments began to soften somewhat after Vatican II, it was hard to find much organised Protestant enthusiasm for the European project, even after several Protestant nationsfinallyjoined' (2015, p. 206).
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